Notes from the Underground

The Amreyya Copt Eviction

2012-02-16T15:40:00.000-08:00

An account of what I understood has happened after a visit to the village of Sharbat, in the area of El Nahda in Amreyya, on the outskirts of Alexandria, where the decision to evict eight Coptic families after the burning of their homes and their stores stirred much controversy.

Photo from right to left: Abu Suleiman, Mohamed Galal (by Sarah Carr)

Prologue

On the way to Amreyya with my friends Sarah and Noov, we were stopped by a young police officer who searched the car incessantly for drugs. The young officer was typical. He was wearing a purple T-shirt , dark glasses and the gun in its holster were bulging out of his side. He asked me the usual questions as to what my work was and whether they were my friends and what we were doing.

He then leaned to me and said almost in a whisper, “Do you have any illegal substances?”

He said it in a tone of such secrecy that he gave me the impression it wasn’t to arrest me. I carelessly answered, “No, I do not.”

He kept feeling up my pockets from the top of the clothes and not all of them at that. I was surprised that he hadn’t asked me to empty my pockets. He asked me again if I was sure, and I again said I was sure. Before he moved on, he said with what sounded like disappointment, “So you don’t do illegal substances.”

He then went up to Sarah and said, “Where are you from? You’re not Egyptian.”

Sarah burst at him, “You’ve seen my ID card, is it not Egyptian?”

He said, “Where do you live?”

She said, “You have my ID, read it!”

“What do you do for a living?”

“I’m a journalist,” she said with an impatient voice and an annoyed grin.

The officer was taken aback by her hostility and quickly said in a low and perplexed voice, “Let them go.”

The Village

The small village of Sharbat is a little before the end of the world. It’s so secluded that I could not help thinking it’s forgotten enough that anything can happen. This is a place so remote from whatever law we have left in this lawless country. It’s a land so forgotten that we become aware of its existence every so often when something horrible takes place, but normal atrocities go by unnoticed.

As soon as civilization ended, the flood of Al Noor’s party name and logo began. Beards were longer and women’s facial skin became rarer. Donkeys and carts shared the road with old cars, pick-ups and toktoks.

The eviction of eight Coptic families from the village of Sharbat started as most stories of this kind do, with a man and a woman. A Christian tailor named Mourad Samy Gerges was rumored to have been with a Muslim woman and took explicit images of her. By the looks of things, this woman was well known in the village but it also seems that no one had seen these videos.

Mourad was summoned by the police and kept overnight. The police found no evidence of the scandalous videos rumored to have been on his mobile. The account of what happened the next day is when the story becomes complicated.

Abskharon also known as Abu Suleiman is the most prominent Copt in the village. He has four sons and owns numerous shops in the village. He was asked what the villagers should do with Mourad. He absolved himself of responsibility towards the tailor. He was assured by an ex NDP local councilor by the name of Essam Mussolini that his property will be protected if he closes his shops. Abu Suleiman and his sons reluctantly closed his shops and they were attacked and looted.

The reason the shops were attacked is unclear. The villagers are said to have gathered around Mourad’s house even though he was in police custody. We know that Abou Suleiman’s youngest son Louis fired from his balcony in the air. There is some discrepancy as to why he fired.

Mourad’s house is a stone throw away from Abu Suleiman’s house. Some witnesses at the scene have claimed that Louis fired to disperse protesters gathered at Mourad’s house. But if the numbers are anywhere near as large as what witnesses we talked to claim, they would have flooded the area enough to spill over near Abu Suleiman’s house. According to Suleiman, the eldest sibling, Louis fired birdshot when people gathered round their house and threatened to do to their women as Mourad did to the woman in question.

Witnesses say that firing the shotgun from his balcony was what stirred the crowds. To confuse matters more, one of the mob, armed with an automatic machine gun unable to control the gun ended up injuring three of those surrounding Abu Suleiman’s house, one of them critically.

The mob attacked the houses of Abu Suleiman and his family, broke into the shops located at the lower level of the residence, looted the merchandise and set fire to their buildings. Mohamed Galal, one of the few brave moderate residents who stood up for Abu Suliman during the attacks on his houses and managed to get them to safety at his residence just outside the village where they are currently staying.

Many questions arise. Why was Abu Suleiman asked about Mourad’s fate? Why did people gather around Mourad’s house even though he was in custody? Why was Abu Suleiman and his sons asked to close their shops? Why were they not protected despite the promise from prominent figure Essam Mussolini? Why did the mob have automatic machine guns? Why would Louis fire had the mob not reached his house? Why were all Abu Suleiman’s properties and shops attacked at the same time? Why would the villagers threaten Abu Suleiman’s family despite not having anything to do with Mourad?

Mohamed Galal suspects that there is a sectarian element that was used. Abu Suleiman had bought a piece of land and started building a community center. He suspects the villagers fearing it would soon be a church were motivated to make these attacks on his family, but we can never know for certain.

Moussolini’s situation is precarious. Other than having a treacherous name, he involved Abu Suleiman’s family needlessly and insisted they shut down their shops.

The Salafi Sheikh Sherif El Hawary in charge of reconciliation admits the mob might have comprised thugs not motivated by any religious purpose who may have been hired. But who would hire these thugs and to what end? Who has the connections and the power to hire these thugs? By the testimony of his neighbors, everyone loved Abu Suleiman.

A local committee of seven, headed by Essam Mussolini and others said to represent the village deemed it unsafe for Abu Suleiman and his sons to stay in the village. Abu Suleiman and his family, already away from the city were asked not to return not because of Shari’a but for fear over their safety. The Salafi Sheikh Sherif El Hawary promised to protect Abu Suleiman using his Salafi men in the area, yet it feels that the Salafis are not what worry Abu Suleiman. Many people opposed solutions proposed by Salafis presented as Sharia’s verdict. Their property was to be auctioned off. Needless to say, Mourad’s family would be evicted. The Muslim woman would stay. Despite Muslim Brotherhood MPs attending some of the meetings, they were not part of the ‘reconciliatory hearings’ as per @ikhwanweb.

As local media began covering the events, there was more pressure against the expulsion of Copts. The Salafis charged with handling cases through ‘reconciliatory councils’ welcomed back the families and promised compensation for the damages.

The latest reconciliatory hearing was held on Thursday 16 February 2012, this time by the governor of Alexandria, numerous MPs and officials. The new reconciliatory committee reversed the decision regarding Abu Suleiman and the rest of his family. How and when they will return home will yet be decided. Compensations were not clear with the new committee.

Epilogue

It feels that the story is long enough without a prologue and epilogue, but I feel I must comment on the entire incident. The prologue is part of the story, and the title for this entire story is the absence of the law. Even when the legitimate bodies, the governor, the MPs and officials were visiting, they created reconciliatory committee. It’s just like the officer who stopped us and searched us and asked about illegal substances in soft whisper.

This is not a sectarian issue, this is a state issue. The absence of the law or even a chance at getting any sort of justice is at the heart of the matter. There may have been sectarian sentiments, but this is a story of an event mostly motivated either by envy or greed. Even if we were to consider whether this story is about honor, we discover that it wasn’t. This is a story of shame. These are people who react to shame not honor, they would not move an inch for a woman part stripped in Tahrir square and they are people not shamed by the coward of an army which did that. They are shamed when they realize they do not have control over their women.

These remote areas are completely controlled by Salafi sheikhs. On the other hand they are leveled out by those who can hire thugs. The sheikh was not brought in to solve this issue exceptionally. The sheikh has a long list of ‘cases’ like a judge in a courtroom, trying to fix things for everyone based on his judgment and interpretation of religion. Some Copts come to him to solve their problems in this land of lawlessness and he may be as merciful or as brutal as he chooses to be, and the police will have no power over him in his jurisdiction.

We may never know what motivated such attacks or what the real dynamics were but such places fill me with hopelessness. On the phone with Adel Abskharon, another son of Abu Suleiman, he was told “congratulations” for being allowed to return to his home. His voice was filled with joy for having escaped a cruel injustice. He was happy for the chance to rebuild his burnt down home and restock his looted store. He felt grateful to be given a part of what is his and that injustice did not extend beyond this. It feels that we’re all starting to feel this way. Once upon a time not so long ago we were seeking justice, now we’re happy to evade injustice. We celebrate whenever injustices are partially reversed, with our hopes back to being grounded into expecting no justice at all.

More links saying more of the same: EIPR, Egypt Independent, Christian Science Monitor

Inside Story - A year on and still unresolved

2012-02-08T12:50:00.000-08:00

On 25 January 2012, I was asked to comment on Egypt one year on. Other guests were Sharif Abdel Kouddous from Democracy Now and Nader Omran from the Muslim Brotherhood. Sharif did a great job expressing the state of affairs. Due to the presence of Nader, I had to highlight the true form the Freedom and Justice party had taken.

The Mohamed Mahmoud Story II - The Port Said Aftermath

2012-02-07T07:04:00.000-08:00

Footage by Mostafa Bahgat

This footage shows clearly police brutality in the events after the Port Said massacre in which the Ministry of Interior (MOI) was complicit. It refutes the usual claims by the Interior Minister that no shotguns were ever fired.

The Egyptian Army’s Mutiny Against the People

2012-02-05T05:29:00.000-08:00

An Egyptian wakes up almost one year after what he thought had been a finished revolution only to realize how abandoned and betrayed he is. There has been much talk about what Egyptians have gained over the past 12 eventful months. Well, the one thing we truly gained over this year worth anything is knowledge.

Mohamed Mahmoud wall before protesters tore it down

We wake up each day and look around us in the knowledge that there’s no one truly on our side. With few friends far and between, we have only ourselves to rely on. We now have the knowledge that we are betrayed by our police, our judiciary, our legislature, our media, our army, our ministries, our parties and even our religious institutions. It was the spark lit on 25 January and the wildfire that followed which awoke us to the daunting realisation of these long-buried facts.

Never has this systematic treason been put to as much use as it has since Egyptians took to the streets and tried to take back what is rightfully theirs. All institutions were utilised to subdue the will of the Egyptian people. The odds were stacked against us from the very start, more than we could have foreseen. The faces of our institutions have been laid bare and despite our expectations, these faces turned out to be uglier than we could have imagined.

Injustices have been endured by Egyptians in great part through religion but all the more now it has become apparent that the leaders have betrayed the cause of their followers. al-Azhar does not hesitate to issue a ‘fatwa’ (Islamic ruling) if the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) so desires. The Coptic Pope does not think twice about singing the false praises of the ruling military junta, the murderers of his flock. The political parties which embrace Islam are ready to do their duty to manipulate the poor through religion and bribes, and defend the well-being and honour of the military, the rapists of our country.

One year on and we’re starting to comprehend what Robert Springborg had said back on 2 February 2011 and Ellis Goldberg knew on 11 February before it had really begun. Springborg said, “The real opposition will initially be ignored, and then possibly rounded up,” and that is pretty much what has been happening. “The game is, thus, more or less over.”

As if prophetic of the way we will be swindled, Goldberg said, “Instead of pursuing institutional change, leading military figures will likely try to satisfy the public with symbolic gestures.”

The mock Mubarak trials, the cosmetic change in government, the elections; all fulfill the prophesy. Instead of moving towards democracy, we are experiencing “the culmination of the slow-motion coup and the return of the somewhat austere military authoritarianism of decades past”.

And what we have now is as Goldberg perfectly summed it up, “Mubarakism without Mubarak.” Nobody wants freedom for this country; those who have power to fix it do not have the will and those who have the will do not have the power.

Egypt is not Tunisia, they once said. It’s true. If Egypt had been Tunisia we would have had more of a chance to of being liberated. State media has propagated the claim that foreign elements are undermining democracy efforts and they are, by supporting the brutal SCAF. Egypt has borders with Israel and that’s why we cannot be free. Egypt‘s military is controlled by United States interests and that’s why we cannot be free.

Years of receiving billions of dollars in military bribes has created a monster of an army that is incapable of fighting anyone but its people. Years of corruption combined with these bribes have given a few men from the army control over 25% to 40% of Egypt’s economy. The army’s activities have shifted from defence-related investments to producing bottled water and pasta – well, at least they can’t run us over with those. We slave away for the murderers; their wealth grows as does the poverty of the people.

Our country is ruled by a military junta. On 25 January they will be celebrating but Egyptians should be mourning. Protesters and revolutionaries will be mourning; they will be mourning their dead.

The SCAF will celebrate a triumph over a very pure and compelling revolution. They will celebrate the release of officers who killed protesters. They will celebrate keeping their corrupt men in their positions. They will celebrate their ability to kill Egyptians almost every month last year without reproach or repercussions. They will celebrate the fact that they are above the law and not one army or police officer was tried properly for their crimes - perhaps this is to ensure that others continue the execution of brutal orders the next time they are given.

They will celebrate their control over the legislative, judiciary and executive bodies, and the press. They will celebrate the powers they will keep even after “handing over” power. They will celebrate taking every decision against the will of the people. They will celebrate the decisions they’ve taken to protect their interests at the expense of Egyptians. They will celebrate their power. They will celebrate their lies.

We will mourn our wounded and our dead whose blood screams from the ground. We will look back at the prospect of having taken down that venomous state television building known as Maspero. We will remember how we were tricked into thinking there was any honour in those dishonourable army men we foolishly trusted. We will mourn the institutions that we trusted and remember how they have sold us out.

The first anniversary of the revolution is not a day for Egyptians to celebrate but to mourn our dead. A day to remember our awakening and a day to remember what we fought for. Perhaps it can also be a day to start fighting once again.

A year has passed and we now know of our enslavement. A year has passed but the streets are full of marches and screenings of army brutality. But over that time I’ve seen many inspiring faces. I’ve seen brave Egyptians calling in the darkest times against their oppressors. I’ve seen valiant protesters walking into danger unarmed. I’ve seen them camped out in the cold in Tahrir and marching in the heat. I remember their faces and I know they have broken free and that for them there is no turning back. I cannot conceive of a way for these determined warriors to be subdued by an oppressive force that wishes them enslaved.

Source: The Chronikler

Maikel Nabil Released

2012-01-27T13:32:00.000-08:00

Update: Blogger Maikel Nabil was released on 23 January, one day after the attacks and three days before the time announced. He was released at night so that no one would be there waiting for him. He released the above video on the night of 24 January 2012.

Maikel Nabil’s Release - Not a Great Day for Freedom

2012-01-22T11:53:00.000-08:00

Yesterday in a publicity stunt to appease the masses ready to revolt once again, the SCAF issued pardons to 1959 military prisoners including the first prisoner of conscience Maikel Nabil. Military sources as well as Maikel Nabil’s lawyer Amir Salem confirmed that the prisoners would be released the following day.

At the coffee shop next to Tora Prison. Photo by: Mark Nabil

Mark Nabil(@mark_nabil), Maikel Nabil’s brother tweeted that we would meet at 8 am opposite Tora El Balad metro station to greet Maikel when released. We arrived a little past 8.30. Mark and his father had not yet arrived. The weather was gloomy and cold, and the sky was scorched with gray, but the excitement over a possible release of Maikel Nabil was worth it. I was glad to see Max Strasser (@maxstrasser) who shared my excitement. We moved towards the prison a little after Mark arrived. There were a little over 10 of us.

Mark went to the prison gate in order to ask about Maikel’s status and he was informed by the officer at the gate that the decree (the paper to release Maikel by the military judiciary) had not yet arrived. The sky could not make up its mind whether it would rain or not. It drizzled ever so slightly every once in a while. Mark suggested we wait at a coffee shop till the papers came through. We sat at a coffee shop our number had risen to around 18 people or so. Meanwhile he and his father made calls to Maikel’s lawyer, Amir Salem, in order to determine what was holding things up. Salem said he would have them fax the decree over to the prison. We didn’t know if that was a success.

Mark going back and forth informed us of the news. He said an officer told him that Maikel will not be released today. Mark’s father said we could wait outside and possibly start a sit-in, but it didn’t seem realistic with the small numbers. We got up and what looked like a high ranking officer said ‘Mabrook’ from inside his car. We responded that Maikel wasn’t going to be released today according to another officer, and he said that they were actually just waiting for the fax.

There was a lot of confusion as to what was really happening, with various calls to Maikel’s lawyer and uncertainty about whether Maikel would be released. Then came another piece of news; that Maikel and others would probably be released on 26 January, possibly for concerns over them joining the 25 January protests.

We stood outside the prison door, the one we had stood outside before when organizing a protest for the release of blogger and activist Alaa Abdel Fattah (@alaa). We didn’t know if they were giving us this information because it was true or if they just wanted us dispersed.

The residents gathered round and some began discourse over what we were doing. We had to explain that this wasn’t a protests, we were not chanting and we were just waiting for our friend Maikel. They asked us not to do anything that would bring them harm.

One of them was a driver of a toktok with a degree in commerce. He said he understands SCAF’s games with the petrol, the gas and all the austerity measures to force us to succumb, but he also said he was barely struggling and he was humiliated driving a toktok. He told us that not everyone in the neighborhood would be as understanding as he is. He asked us to move to a side. It seems like we’ve become accustomed to stand in protest in the middle of the road rather than safely at the side. We complied so that we don’t bother the residents although it seemed pointless in such a road. More resident drama happened as they asked as to our purpose, unable to criticize us for waiting for someone who has already been pardoned. I would like to point out that there were foreigners at that time that weren’t given any trouble by the local residents. The residents were half rebuking, half inquiring.

We waited around, trying to find out from lawyers what the reality of the situation was, whether Maikel would be released today or not. Then came a change when some of the other ‘residents’ arrived. There were a few of them who looked like they were looking for trouble. One of them just shouted harassingly at women but was called by the officer at the gate and told not to use this style of harassment. Then after a while there came that same guy who stirred up trouble when we were protesting when Alaa was in custody. He was a man of reddish-white complexion, white hair, average build and spoke very roughly never waiting for a response. He praised the army and viciously asked us to leave as he headed away. Last time this happened, he came back with more of his buddies and started scuffles for no reason.

We decided to go back to the coffee shop and avoid confrontation. Some people decided to leave at that point. I wanted to stay but for I had leave for compelling reasons.

As I boarded the metro, I read Mark’s tweet, that they were confronted by people carrying sticks and knives. I later found out through Marina (@violin_queen) who was with us at the protest that they were threatened with murder if they ever came back to the neighborhood. She also tweeted that a photographer Michael Adel was taken inside Tora prison, beaten and threatened he would be killed. The citizens armed with knives and glass bottles then boarded a CSF truck that went inside Tora prison after their attack.

Related news: Prisoners ‘pardoned’ by Tantawi remain in prison

Russia Today: ElBaradei pulls out of presidential race

2012-01-14T14:29:00.000-08:00

Wakhed Haqy - A Protester's Song

2012-01-13T18:42:00.001-08:00

3askar - Mohamed Mahmoud and Cabinet Attacks Documentary (Nov/Dec)

2012-01-09T10:14:00.000-08:00

This video is worthy of a post of its own. It depicts the events and the brutality of the military in the months of November and December of 2011. It is a compilation of various footage shot by various channels and citizen journalists.

Who Will Stand by the Poor and Oppressed?

2012-01-06T18:18:00.000-08:00

The pope, in his speech described the military leadership along the lines of honorable men that make us proud. It is no secret that the men he praised are criminals in every sense of the word. They are murders, thieves and liars.

What are we to understand when criminals are exalted and when injustice is praised? What are we to understand when the pope sees honor in killings and lies? What are we to deduce when the symbol of morality for Christians praises lies, deceit and finds honor in injustice.

I thought we were supposed to stand for justice. I thought we were supposed to stand for truth. I thought many things. I thought the church was supposed to follow its teachings. I thought the pope was supposed to lead people into doing what’s right. I thought many things.

Silence is golden, true, but complicity is not. Why is it that we do not do the right thing anymore? Why don’t we even attempt? People pray five times a day and yet do not want to say the truth. People are afraid of what might happen to them I suppose, so they accept what they’ve been given. They accept the nothing they’ve been given.

I have no words to tell the pope really, except that maybe I understood Christianity incorrectly. I remember reading that Jesus stood up for the poor and oppressed when no one would. He did not take the side of the law enforcers, the scribes and the Pharisees but took the side of the sinners. He took the side of the poor, even when they did wrong. He condemned the rich and powerful. Is that not what we should do? Should we not take the side of the poor and the weak? What good is it then to follow Christ if we do not follow his example?

Maybe I understood Christianity incorrectly when I thought that to follow Jesus’ model, one should always hold the truth dear and not utter a lie. Maybe I misunderstood Jesus when he told those who were filled with righteousness and no remorse that they were vipers.

Christ said he is the truth when he was asked. He said it because He values the truth and He is the truth. Then why don’t we say it when we are asked? Why don’t we say what truly happened. Why don’t we ask for someone to find out the truth for us?

When Christ was hit, he asked why. When our brothers and sisters were killed at Maspero by army forces, did we even ask why? We know that we will be unjustly accused and condemned, but we have to ask anyway, we have to speak the truth when the time is right. Instead of calling for justice or even forgiveness for the murders, their heinous acts were praised as ‘honorable’.

Once in a while, people forget the way of Christ when they deal with politics too long. Jesus said, “Give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar and give to God what belongs to God.” Now money, taxes and power all belong to Caesar and that we should give. But truth, justice and integrity belong to God and we must give him that even at the expense of Caesar. Praise in the face of injustice is not rightfully Caesar’s. Giving up our rights is not rightfully theirs. We must speak the truth, we must hold whoever has killed accountable and do what we set out to do. Preach the truth and the wisdom of the truth.

Who will stand by the poor if not us? We do not need to fight, we do not need to take up arms, we need only speak the truth as loudly as we can.

Truly honorable people can be heard in the background saying 'Down with military rule'

In retrospect, the truth

Al Hurra: On Mubarak'sTrial

2011-12-28T13:59:00.000-08:00

Mubarak's New Look

2011-12-21T15:19:00.000-08:00

Graffiti on Mervette Street between Tahrir Square and Abdel Monem Riyad

Russia Today: The Cabinet Attacks

2011-12-20T04:19:00.000-08:00

Source: Russia Today

What Al Masry Al Youm Censored from Robert Springborg’s Article

2011-12-15T04:41:00.000-08:00

On 1 December 2011, Egypt Independent, a printed paper produced by Al Masry Al Youm’s English section was censored. Over 20,000 copies were pulled from the market upon the request of Magdy El Gallad, the editor of the Arabic version of Al Masry Al Youm. El Gallad asked that an article by Robert Springborg be revised. The article was entitled, ‘Is Tantawi reading the public’s pulse correctly?’.

Magdy El Gallad

The Egypt Independent crew opposed this censorship. Alistair Beach wrote an article in the Independent criticizing this form of censorship entitled ‘Censorship row fuels public's fears over Egyptian election'. Magdy El Gallad accused Beach of having a foreign agenda. Robert Springborg exposed El Gallad in Foreign Policy with his article entitled, ‘What Egypt’s Military Doesn’t Want Its Citizens to Know’.

In response, Magdy El Gallad wrote a piece defending himself. This is word for word translation, and this is a more accurate translation that captures the true spirit of the piece.

The revised article was published in Al Masry Al Youm’s English edition but the uncensored version never made it officially. Through a bootlegged copy, for your reading pleasure, find below in quotes the part that was censored internally by Al Masry Al Youm’s Magdy El Gallad.

Is Tantawi reading the public’s pulse correctly?

In his speech to the nation on 22 November, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, almost as an aside, announced that the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) was prepared to hold a referendum on the issue of the military turning power over to civilians. This was intended as a threat to his civilian challengers. Reported to be a keen follower of public opinion polls, the Field Marshal and his advisers no doubt calculated that in any such referendum, the majority of voters would support military over civilian rule.

…
“The second problem is more profound and threatening to the SCAF, namely that many in the military resent the reputation of their institution being abused by the Field Marshal and his 19 colleagues on the SCAF. This resentment would be greatly heightened by a referendum, especially one in which the wording of the proposition purposely ignores the differentiation between the SCAF and the military, thereby tarring the latter with the brush of the former. The present rumblings of discontent among junior officers, Chief of Staff General Sami Anan’s greater popularity than the Field Marshal in the military and among Egyptians as a whole, and intensified pressure from the US could all result in the Field Marshal sharing President Mubarak’s fate. The military institution could remove him to save itself. If matters became truly desperate, discontented officers not in SCAF might decide that a coup within the coup would be the best way to save the honor of the country and their institution.”
…
By seeking to retain power and control over the transition process, the Field Marshal is playing a very dangerous game that threatens both the military’s and the nation’s well-being. He should have another look at that polling data.

Open Letter to My Oppressors

2011-12-12T09:46:00.000-08:00

To my oppressors,

I am the oppressed. I am one you’ve trampled upon and think you own, but I am not one that will stay silent. I am the voice you want to suppress, kill, torture and imprison. I am the voice calling for liberty against your desire to keep enslaved. I am the voice you loathe that dares ask to be treated as an equal, the voice you despise for rising up because you think yourself the master. I am a voice part of a repressed generation whose lives you stole, whose wealth you hijacked whose freedom you took and whose eyes you’ve blinded. I am the voice that screams your ugly deeds to be muted to whispers amidst your rowdy lies. I am the voice that speaks a truth merely stumbled upon in books, streets and dominions beyond your control. I know this voice is one you want to silence forever.

I write to you forgetting your ugly horrible deeds of torture, murder, treason and manipulation. I write to you forgetting that you do not listen and cannot listen. I write to you forgetting your hatred of my very existence and your thirst to destroy me. To you, I am an expendable waste of space but a nuisance nonetheless. I write to you forgetting that such words will never reach you whether you read them or not.

My message to you is this. Stop what you are doing. These are real lives you are destroying, these are real people whose lives you are taking. These are real people you’ve imprisoned, these are real people you’ve hurt. I know that they seem remote to you, like enemies or lesser beings, but think upon them with the love you may have for your children or your families. Have you not that much love in you to see how they too can be loved? Do you not see the extent of the damage you have done and are doing to other human beings? Have you become too selfish and too self-involved to have any kind of sympathy?

I do not ask you to consider your acts before God. Men like you are beyond any to moral derivation of any sort. I ask of you to think of the little love you have left inside you in order to relate to humanity. You are beyond redemption perhaps, but even men who are beyond redemption have some sort of humanity inside to battle this hatred you have for others.

Look beyond your selfish love for your own and understand it could be your children in those jails or your friends run over by armored carriers. Understand that it could have been your daughters stripped and humiliated by soldiers. We are bound to one another as human beings and there is no room today for the illusion that you own another human being.

You old men, what will you reap but your deeds? Your grave is near and your days are numbered. No one knows if the next world brings nothing or retribution. But even if there is nothing beyond this life, you will only leave behind an evil legacy.

My oppressors, my killers, my wardens, I forgot your titles and addressed you as human beings. I send those words out to the human inside you that ceased to exist. I send them out with love, a concept you’ve long dismissed. I dropped my resentment for this brief instant. Why have you built a wall of hatred between us? I would tear that wall down instantly if it were up to me. This wall of your making and the choice has always been yours. The hatred you sow, you’ll reap.

Never yours,

The Oppressed

Egypt's Proportional List Seat Calculator

2011-12-06T04:23:00.000-08:00

This is a proportional list seat calculation using the largest remainder method. This calculates how list seats are allocated in Egypt's 2011 elections.

Enter the number of seats in contention in the desired district, enter the number of votes for each list and then press calculate to see the number of seats won.

Seats in Contention: Calculate
List Name	Votes	Seats Won
Freedom and Justice
Nour
Egyptian Bloc
Wasat
Wafd
Revolution Continues
El-Adl
Egypt National
Democratic Peace
Reform and Development
Egypt The Revolution
Egyptian Citizen
Freedom
Modern Egypt
Ghad (Tomorrow)
Awareness
Arab Democratic Nasserist
Egyptian Revolution
The New Independents
Conservatives
Constitutional Social Free

Calculate

LimitationsThis does not implement the nationwide constraint of 0.5%.Results may not be accurate when the exact same number of votes are entered.

Disclaimer: This is an unofficial list seat calculator. The official results should be the same however this software has not been fully tested and there may be some discrepancy with the final results due to the aforementioned limitations.

Are Elections Free and Fair?

2011-12-03T15:07:00.000-08:00

I mentioned earlier that these parliamentary elections were illegitimate. All that led us to these elections has been illegitimate and in any case, the upcoming parliament will be crippled. The parliament has no constitutional powers and will end up either being impotent or an arm of the SCAF.

(Photo: Mohamed Abd El-Ghany / Reuters)

The true catastrophe isn’t that they’re not legitimate but that even if they were, they would not be free and fair. There are many reasons why the current elections violate the criteria for ‘free and fair’. I will try pointing out a few.

Media Bias
No fair elections can take place with a corrupt media that solely serves regime interests. This means that the regime will always interfere in what is available to the public and the media will be mobilized by the regime’s covert deals. This means elections are not free since some parties are targeted and not fair since some are ignored.

Instability
When the police force is at the full force of its brutality just before elections, it creates an atmosphere that is not conducive to elections. Yet at the same time, this brutal police force kept the peace just for elections to take place.

Election Laws
Egyptians were never consulted as to how elections should be carried out. The decisions were always dictated by the SCAF. It is ironic that the laws that should bring about respect for the people disregarded and in some cases disrespected people’s will.
The laws themselves have been disrespected. A party like El Nour should not have been allowed to form because no parties based on religion should have been formed. That one party should be exempted is not fair.

Distribution of Districts
On what basis was the distribution of districts? Analyst have attributed this to the SCAF’s bias that some parties win. Even state owned Akhbar Al Youm’s Mohamed Omar pointed out that these districts were to appease the Islamists.

Foreign Funding
There is a limit to how much should be spent on a campaign that clearly has not been observed. There is a lot of funding from Saudi Arabia and from Qatar to fund the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis. When hundreds of millions of dollars are poured into campaigns the chances of fair elections are not that high. Such funding is not looked into at all while all funding to NGOs for example is strictly monitored. Such double standards tear down the concept of fairness completely.

Lack of Information + Campaigning Outside Poll Stations
Each of these alone is enough to cast doubt on fairness. The lack of information means that the elections mean nothing. How can one choose a representative when they don’t know their choices? The lack of information combined with campaigning outside the poll stations is probably the most monumental problem with these elections, particularly with the 500 LE fine.

Fraud and Violations
Although it looks like a landslide victory that doesn’t change the result, the truth is far from it. Contrary to some opinions a few thousand votes could change the results in the list system. The violations are an indication to the kind of elections Egypt is undertaking. The results are secondary.

Military Trials
This may seem inconsequential, but when 12,000 people are tried by military courts mostly protesters, and when activists are targeted by the regime, the elections become neither free nor fair. It’s not only that the votes of those in prison have been detracted, but to insist that activists are harassed means chopping off an arm to alternate media and movements that could have been working on campaigning for elections. While we fight for those imprisoned, tortured and killed, other parties campaign for a place in an illegitimate parliament.

***

There is a rebuttal for every one of these reasons. They are things like, this happens everywhere, this will not affect the final result, this is an exaggeration, etc… They can all be valid, but they’re very weak because they will be in denial of the true environment in which these elections are being held. We are being ruled by an illegitimate body that has disrespected our votes in a referendum earlier. No fairness exists in this body; no freedom is possible under this body.

A junta that does not respect a human’s life will not respect his vote.

How are seat winners determined in the Egyptian Elections?

2011-12-02T06:55:00.000-08:00

A guide to the rules of Egypt’s 2011 elections and how the seats are allocated to individuals and lists.
Source: Ahram Online

Vote counting in Egypt's 2011 elections (Photo:Reuters)

The new system in Egypt’s 2011 elections may seem overwhelming to those trying to figure out how the winners will be calculated. The introduction of the list system and calculations using the ‘largest remainder’ method has been a cause for confusion. Also, in the individual system, voters can now vote for any two candidates as opposed to one professional and one worker/farmer. Ahram Online examines the various rules involved in determining the winners of the elections.

How individual winners are determined per district

Each district will have two seats to be awarded to two candidates. At least one of them must be a worker/farmer.

Winners

In the first round a candidate may win a seat by getting a number of votes greater than 50% of the total number of ballots (50% +1 vote). Meaning if a total of 10,000 voters cast their ballots correctly, a candidate would have to get 5001 votes to win a seat.

Since every voter must choose two candidates, each ballot contains two votes. This means the total number of votes made available by 10,000 voters will be 20,000 votes. It is then possible for two candidates to each win 5001 votes in the first round. Two candidates winning 5001 votes or more can secure seats in parliament without a runoff, provided one of them is a worker/farmer.

Candidates unable to secure a seat by garnering the necessary votes go to the second round or runoffs.

Runoffs and the 50% worker/farmers rule

The following are the different cases for which there is a runoff, either no candidates won or one of them did.

If no candidate managed to secure the total number of votes, then the runoffs will include the top two professionals and the top two workers.
If the winner in the first round was a professional, the top two worker/farmer candidates compete in a second round.
If the first winner was a worker/farmer, the next two candidates with the highest votes compete in a second round irrespective of their category
If two candidates were elected in the first round and were both professional then only the one with the highest number of votes will be chosen and the top two worker/farmer candidates will compete in a second round.

How list winners are determined per district

Each district will have several seats to be distributed to the lists participating in the district. A single district may have four, six, eight, ten or 12 seats.

How are lists ordered?

Lists are ordered so that no two consecutive professionals appear on the list. Any candidate can be placed on the top of the list.

Seat Cost

In each district there are a number of seats assigned to it for lists. Each seat has a cost in the number of votes. This cost is determined as the total number of votes divided by the number of seats. For example if there are 100,000 votes for 4 seats, the cost of 1 seat would be 25,000 votes. If there are 8 seats, the cost of one seat would be12,500 votes.

Let’s take the example of one seat costing 25,000 votes. If one list receives over 25,000 votes it will be granted one seat. If a list receives over 50,000 votes, it receives 2 seats.

What about fractions of a seat?

Fractions of the full cost of a seat follow certain rules determined by a system called the largest remainder. In its simplest form, after all the whole seat quotas (e.g. 25,000) has been deducted from the total number of votes for each party, the largest number of votes remaining for any of the lists receives a seat.

Example:

Total number of valid votes: 100,000

Number of seats in district: 4

Cost of one seat = Total Number of Valid Votes / Number of seats = 25,000

6 lists, 4 seats in contention
List Name	Votes	Seats Won	Remainder
The Revolution Continues	40,000	1	15,000
Freedom and Justice	23,000	0	23,000
The Egyptian Bloc	12,000	0	12,000
Al-Wasat	17,000	0	17,000
Al-Wafd	5,000	0	5,000
Al-Nour	3,000	0	3,000

Because the revolution continues got more than the quota or cost for one seat, it is awarded a seat. The rest of the parties did not get enough votes to secure one seat. So where do the remaining three seats go? They go to the largest remainders after the full votes for a complete seat are subtracted.

The three largest remainders are: Freedom and Justice Party (23k), Al-Wasat (17k) and Revolution Continues (15k).

The three seats go to the three largest remainders.

Nationwide Constraints

In order for a list to be eligible to win any of the seats, a list must have won at least 0.5% of the nationwide valid votes.

How are seats allocated within the list?

The general rule is that each list has an ordered list of candidates. The candidates chosen on the list are by order. The candidates on the list win the seat according to their order within a list. If for example a list wins three seats, then the first three on the list have seats in parliament.

50% worker/farmer rule

The exception to this rule is when the professionals that will be in parliament are more than 50%. In this case, one of the lists will have to skip the professional and give the seat to the next worker/farmer on the list. The list that will have to suffer this is the one with the least ‘coefficient’.

A ‘coefficient’ is calculated as = total number of valid ballots / number of seats won by list.

Workers/Farmers

Who is a worker?

A worker is a person who depends mainly on his income from his manual or mental work. He shall be a member of a trade union and holds a high academic qualification.

Who is a farmer?

A farmer is an individual whose sole profession and main income is through farming, lives in the countryside and does not own more than 10 feddans of land.

Nationwide Numbers for Peoples’ Assembly

Seats

Number of elected individual seats: 166 (1/3 of total seats)
Number of elected list seats: 332 (2/3 of total seats)
Total Number of elected seats: 498
Percentage of seats that must be allocated to farmers/workers: At least 50 %

Electoral Districts/Constituencies

Total number of electoral districts / constituencies for lists: 46
Total number of electoral districts / constituencies for individuals: 83

Seats per district/constituency for lists

15 districts have four seats
One district has six seats
19 districts have eight seats
Nine districts have 10 seats
Two districts have 12 seats

Al Hurra Interview - On Elections

2011-11-28T13:25:00.000-08:00

To Vote or Not to Vote: That's Not the Question

2011-11-27T17:28:00.000-08:00

Boycotting or voting doesn't change the fact that these elections are illegitimate. Egypt's 2011 elections are a complete joke and it's not even funny.

The ruling military junta is illegitimate. The current rulers have no constitutional standing and were handed power illegitimately by Mubarak. They have killed and tortured our youth, betrayed our trust, degraded our women and subjected them to humiliating virginity tests, disrespected our votes and brought no justice or peace.

Setting aside the illegitimacy of the SCAF, there are numerous other reasons. Even if our rulers were legitimate, they have an obligation to respect human rights, democracy and the Egyptian vote. The military have disrespected the referendum and provide no reason for us to believe they will respect our votes in the election. The SCAF seemed to have killed their own people in order to force 'democracy' down their throat. If the will of the people had any weight, elections wouldn't have taken place after the police murdered numerous unarmed protesters.

Even if we set aside attitude, for elections to be legitimate they must be agreed on by the Egyptian people. The people were never asked, and when they voiced out their demands, they were never heard, and even when they were heard, they were never listened to and never was any action taken. So what we have here are elections put forth by a dictatorship that does not respect the various opinions of its citizens; could such a dictatorship ever respect their votes? Furtheremore, it is difficult to convince yourself or anyone that these elections have any legitimacy when half the people are afraid to go out and vote due to justified security reasons.

How can those brave voters be accountable for their vote? Where, when and how has information regarding the elections, the rules and the candidates been made available? Most voters are placing their votes as they do with bets on a roulette table. It is a complete gamble due to the murkiness of the electoral process and the availability of information.

Setting aside all the above, even if parliament were formed without rigging, it would be impotent. They have no power to fulfill their promises and they would be used as a front for SCAF. People are to direct all their anger towards the powerless parliament. This makes the future parliament illegitimate because it will fail to represent the people.

Voting or boycotting will not change the illegitimacy of these elections. It is enough that a great number of people feel that the laws are not fair and that the time isn't right and that the rulers are biased towards their self-interest. You may vote to lessen the blow and you may boycott to prove a point, but that isn't the real crux of the matter. So if to vote or not to vote is not the question, what is?

The real question is whether you're selling out. Neither action determines that. People have died for democracy, and democracy isn't unfair elections. Democracy means justice, respecting minority rights, respecting human rights and allowing others to take part in the decision making process. We haven't had democracy yet, and so the votes won't matter. We can't have elections and democracy as the junta and police kill protesters and disrespects citizens. How will a vote be respected by these people if a human life is not respected?

These elections are not what people died for. There is no honor in accrediting something as farcical as these elections to their death. The important thing is to remember what they died for. They died for bread, freedom, social justice and dignity. There is no dignity in running rapidly like a rat through a fore drawn maze. You don't sell out by voting or boycotting, you sell out when you settle for less than what thousands have died for.

The Mohamed Mahmoud Story

2011-11-24T08:26:00.000-08:00

And in Alexandria, standard issue Molotov cocktails to be used by the police....

No Turning Back

2011-11-22T07:22:00.000-08:00

Protesters flock to Tahrir square in search of what’s left of a revolution hijacked by the military council. The attitude is comparable to that in the January revolution. It an attitude of determination to choose some sort of freedom called for since Januray.

Photo by Sarah Carr

For months protests have been tip toeing around the main issue which is the SCAF, but it seems that this time there is a direct resolve for the military to hand over power with a sense of immediacy. The military has squandered trust very efficiently over the past nine months and the extreme violence with which the protests have been handled have done little to restore it. People are now speaking against the military, but it's been a long time coming with a very strong build up ever since the military assumed power. The 18 November protest was advertised for some time, and that gave people a chance to accept it. When the security forces clamped down on it, it was unacceptable.

It seems that the security response is comparable to January and February but it's a lot more brutal. They have been targeting media personnel not just with arrests but with ammunition. A few activists and media personnel lost the use of at least one of their eyes and many have been injured. This time they were aiming for the eyes and the chest directly using rubber bullets, shotguns and birdshot. As usual, the government is commending the ministry of interior despite tens dead and thousands injured. So we have pretty much the same government response as in January.

The Muslim Brotherhood are not part of the protests this time, many of their members have gone to the square in defiance of the orders given in order to stand with the protesters under brutal attack. Will elections move forward? That's a difficult question to answer. The SCAF is in a precarious position. The new election law will not give any one power complete dominance over the parliament. They cannot take sides against the remnants of the old regime because they themselves are implicated and will be exposed if they do.

I don't see how nationwide protests can end without the military stepping down. The numbers are growing and so is the resolve. The government hasn't learned anything at all, they've been using the same techniques throughout their reign. It is unlikely that reforms will solve this situation, they need to trick people again, but honestly i don't think they have anything left up their sleeve.

They could have pretended to play nice till elections, after which all negative sentiments could have been directed to the parliament. Also they've made parliament a three step long winding process, so the results will show in January at the earliest. I don't think they'll survive that long. I'm sure as we speak, their Israeli allies are thinking up some clever scheme to resolve this volatile situation.

We’re at a stand off now. The SCAF squandered almost all of its chances of safe exit committing atrocious crimes added to those committed during Mubarak’s reign. They fear arrest if they step down and so will cling to power with all their might. They would have ordered the whole square bombed had they not feared retaliation within the army if such a command is executed. Their cards have been burnt. Sharaf, the media, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafis and many other political parties have been exposed as loyal to power rather than the people.

The SCAF placed their bets on everything but the people. The Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafis and all the political parties have placed theirs on the SCAF. The result is that of two delinquents masquerading as artists praising one another’s disdainful works.

People also have no choice but to remove the SCAF from power. If people return home all that’s left of the revolution will be violently targeted. Fear will drive SCAF to lunacy and they will not try to crack down even more violently and blatantly on anyone propagating ideas of dissent.

That’s why there is no turning back. There will be a long battle for survival; it’s either the regime or the people’s will to break free of their bonds.

SCAF: A Brief History of Injustice

2011-11-12T01:33:00.000-08:00

Source: Ahram Online
The military assumed power in Egypt nine months ago, after which time numerous crimes against human rights have been reported. Ahram Online outlines some cases where investigations have yielded no results

The head of the military judiciary announced Thursday, 13 October, that the armed forces alone would investigate what is known as the Maspero Massacre — the clashes that took place 9 October, leaving 28 people dead and at least 325 injured, when Coptic Christians marched from Shubra to Maspero to protest the burning of a church in Aswan.

The announcement came despite warnings by human rights groups that the killing by the military of Coptic protesters should not be covered up. To date, investigations have not produced results on responsibility for the events, and nor is there any reason to expect otherwise; the military has not conducted any investigations adequately since it assumed power on 11 February 2011. Most of its claims contradict video evidence and eyewitness testimonies. According to rights lawyer Gamal Eid, director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), “Military investigations are unacceptable. They are not independent and it is very clear they are biased.”

There are over a dozen major incidents that should have been properly investigated and have not been since the military took power. Many other charges of misconduct and abuses filed before and after military rule have also been largely ignored.

Essam Atta

On 27 October 2011, 24-year-old Essam Atta was allegedly tortured to death by prison guards. Despite Atta’s family alleging that a prison officer called Nour was involved in Atta’s torture, the police have not investigated these allegations and concluded that Atta died as a result of ingesting drugs. The Ministry of Interior statement and the forensic report are reminiscent of the official story onKhaled Said, who was murdered in plain view and whose autopsy report had been falsified. The case is currently being examined by the general prosecutor.

The Maspero Massacre

The Maspero Massacre took place on 9 October 2011 when Coptic Christians took to the streets joined by Egyptian Muslims to protest the destruction and burning of a church in Aswan. Tracing the march provides a body of evidence in terms of videos and eyewitness testimonies that implicate the military in the killings of protestors.

Despite these implications, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) insisted on conducting

investigations alone and ended exonerating the army. Instead of a full-fledged investigation, revolutionary activists have been summoned to appear before the military prosecution. Activist Alaa Abdel Fattah was detained by military prosecution on serious charges yet no evidence has been presented to the public. General Mohamed El-Assar claimed that army personnel were unarmed and yet one of the charges against Abdel Fattah is theft of a weapon belonging to military forces. In addition, according to Bahaa Saber, another activist who was summoned but released after questioning, the army has Mina Daniel’s name on the list of those accused. Mina Daniel was one of the activists killed on 9 October. His autopsy reports the cause of death as: “projectile entered into the upper chest, exiting the lower back”.

So far there has been no announcement of the names of officers or soldiers investigated or reprimanded, despite clear video evidence and autopsy reports indicating that 12 protesters were run over by Armoured Personnel Carriers. The incitement of violence by the media has not been investigated and no investigation of Minister of Information Osama Heikal has been announced despite charges being filed against him.

The church in El-Marinab, Aswan

The destruction and burning of Mar Girgis Church in the village of El-Marinab, Edfu, in Aswan on 30 September triggered a wave of angry protests. Despite recommendations to remove the governor of Aswan and take corrective action, nothing was done. This deliberate inaction led to the protests that ended in the Maspero Massacre.

Torture of two men by army and police

In the latter half of September 2011, a video of policemen and army personnel torturing two detainees was circulated over the Internet. The military promised a swift investigation, and swift it was. The findings were that the video was fake, and the army officers were released.

The battle of Abbasiya

On 23 July, thousands of protesters tried to march from Tahrir Square to the Ministry of Defense to decry the unmet demands of the 8 July sit-in. Attacks on the protesters resulted in the death of activist Mohamed Mohsen.

On 30 July, state owned Akhbar Al-Yom published the findings of the National Council for Human Rights’ investigation into the incident, according to which the battle of Abbasiya was planned thuggery while video evidence has been presented to the prosecutor general documenting the attacks.

General Hassan El-Reweiny was accused of incitement when he went on air with Dina Abdel Rahman on the Dream TV satellite channel before the march and claimed that protesters would be armed with Molotov cocktails. Charges have been filed against him with the general prosecutor. The case was transferred to the military prosecution office and no action taken.

Assault on martyrs’ families

On 28 June 2011, clashes broke out between protesters and the police after families of martyrs killed in the January 25 Revolution were attacked near the Balloon Theatre in Agouza. The fact finding committee suggested that the clashes were premeditated, yet no action was taken to bring about justice.

Mohamed Gad, known as “Sambo”, was sentenced to five years imprisonment despite activists insisting he did not intend to take possession of a firearm he was photographed holding and actually returned it to the Omar Makram Mosque in Tahrir Square on 29 June. Despite the use of excessive force by the police, officers have not been investigated.

Nakba Day protests

Nakba Day on 15 May witnessed protests outside the Israeli embassy in Cairo in solidarity with Palestinians. Demonstrators were dispersed using live ammunition, tear gas and rubber bulletsleaving 350 people injured. Over 150 arrests were made. It is unclear until today why the army used excessive force.

Ramy Fakhry

Despite promises to investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry, we have yet to hear the results of the investigation. Ramy Fakhry was a 27-year-old electrical engineer who was allegedly killed by the army on his way to work on 13 May 2011. “An investigation could reveal who was present at the time of the shooting,” Eid told Ahram Online, but so far no results have been announced.

The Imbaba church attacks

7 May 2011 marked another case of sectarian violence when a church in Imbaba was attacked and set ablaze. Twelve people died in the ensuing clashes and 186 were injured.

Despite the arrest of over 190 people, results of the investigation have not been announced to the public. A large number of those arrested were released and the investigation did not include charges of hate speech. The incompetence of the military prosecution in bringing to light any investigation results casts doubt on the validity of charges against those in custody.

8 April officers

On 8 April a group of army officers joined Tahrir square protesters in solidarity with the revolution’s goals. In the early hours of 9 April the military dispersed the protesters violently. Witnesses say live ammunition was used, in addition to tasers, batons and teargas. Egyptian human rights organisations called for an immediate investigation into the excessive violence and shootings. According to Gamal Eid, an investigation was promised but no results have been announced, nor is there reason to believe an investigation did take place.

Zamalek vs Africain match

On 2 April 2011 thousands of angry Zamalek fans stormed the pitch in a match between Egypt’s Zamalek club and Tunisia’s Africain club. The military council vowed to investigate the events of the match. We have yet to hear the results of these investigations.

Torture and virginity tests

On 9 March, the sit-in at Tahrir Square was dispersed violently with reports of mass arrests and torture in the vicinity of the Egyptian Museum. Virginity tests were also carried out on female detainees as reported and documented by the El-Nadeem Centre for the Rehabilitation of the Victims of Violence and Torture, Amnesty International, The Washington Post and CNN. The army initially denied that the tests had been carried out, and then promised to launch an investigation. Numerouscalls to bring those responsible to justice have been ignored despite numerous eyewitness accounts and evidence.

The church of Atfeeh

In early March, the church in Sol, Atfeeh, in the governorate of Helwan was set ablaze and demolished as a result of sectarian tensions. There have been calls for an investigation into the events so that the perpetrators are held accountable. However, in an interview with Amr Adeeb, SCAF General Hassan El-Reweiny alluded to how preposterous it was to ask for the investigation results after the church has been rebuilt. No one has been held to account for the attack to date.

Corruption, abuses and miscellaneous others

No justice has been realised in cases like the killing of protesters, the Battle of the Camel, the bombing of the church in Alexandria and many others. Numerous incidents and cases remain mysterious as SCAF chooses to either neglect or ignore claims.

Civilians caught in the military trials system are tried and convicted in days and sometimes hours with little to guarantee a fair trial while perpetrators of the crimes listed here have yet to be brought to justice. Many charges remain uninvestigated even after being submitted to the prosecutor general.

“Military prosecution only targets activists and the poor, as if it is a trap for revolutionaries and activists,” Eid told Ahram Online. “All investigations and trials under the army serve political ends.”

Summary

Case	Date
Essam Atta	27 October 2011
Maspero Massacre	9 October 2011
The church in El-Marinab	30 September 2011
Torture video of two men by army and police	28 September 2011
The battle of Abbasiya	23 July 2011
Assault on martyrs' families	28 June 2011
Nakba Day protests	15 May 2011
Ramy Fakhry	13 May 2011
Imbaba church attacks	7 May 2011
8 April officers	8/9 April 2011
Zamalek vs Africain match	2 April 2011
Torture and virginity tests	9 March 2011
The church in Atfeeh	4 March 2011
Corruption, abuses and miscellaneous others	February 2011 – to date.

@alaa

2011-10-30T21:04:00.000-07:00

Alaa AbdelFattah (@alaa) was detained by military prosecution for 15 days pending further military investigations. The news is all too reminiscent of 2006 when Alaa was arrested for partaking in demonstrations supporting the independence of judiciary in Egypt.

@alaa

Alaa was summoned on bogus charges of inciting violence during the Maspero massacre. He was detained after refusing to acknowledge the legitimacy of the military trials for civilians as well as for objecting that the real culprits of the Maspero massacre are performing the investigations.

There is no evidence at all to support these charges. To get a clearer picture of how absurd the charges are, Mina Danial, who was killed by the army, possibly by snipers, was among those accused of the same charges.

The reason for targeting Alaa is perhaps due to his involvement in the revolution. We are witnessing the vendetta of a regime we failed to bring down. Alaa's last article in El Shorouk may have had something to do with it, where he explained how the autopsies of the martyrs helped implicate the army in their murder.

What we are witnessing here is not the utter incompetence of an investigative body but the reaction of a criminal asked to investigate his own crime. The criminal does everything possible to steer clear of any real evidence, and when the body of evidence is so overwhelming as it is against the military in the Maspero massacre, the result is as ridiculous as accusing a victim of their own murder.

Essam Atta

2011-10-29T04:41:00.000-07:00

Links related to the case of Essam Ali Atta, victim of police brutality in Tora prison. Much like Khaled Said, police claims he has killed himself by swallowing drugs and there is cause to believe that the forensic report has been forged.

Essam Atta

Articles, Links and Testimonies

Ahram Online Articles
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/25315.aspx
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/25318.aspx

Jack Shenker for the Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/28/egypt-anger-grows-death-torture

Report from Tahrir Doctors
http://tahrirdoctors.com/midandoctors/2011/10/29/بيان-عاجل-بخصوص-تشريح-جثمان-المواطن-عص/

Aida Seif El Dawla Testimony
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150432395249365

Malek X testimony
http://malek-x.net/node/711

Ahmad Seyam, one of the attending doctors
http://ahmadsyiam.blogspot.com/2011/10/blog-post_29.html?m=1

Al Masry Al Yom
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/509636

Washington Post
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/egyptian-prisoner-tortured-to-death-activists-say/2011/10/28/gIQABPlRQM_story.html

Al Jazeera
http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2011/10/2011102911326932794.html

MOI Statement (Arabic)
http://www.egypolice.com/?p=8629

Essam's alleged torture method
http://democrati.net/2011/10/30/essam-atta-alleged-torture-method-known-as-water-cure/

Videos

Gameela Ismail with Mona Seif and Malek Adly

Gameela Ismail talks to General Mohamed Naguib and accuses him of the same old attitude

Mohamed Atta, Essam Atta's brother speaks on camera

Aida Seif El Dawla and her testimony on Al Jazeera

Graphic video showing Essam Atta's body and his mother's reaction

The story of Essam Atta as told by his brother by No to Military Trials of Civilians

Facebook Groups

We are all Essam Atta Victim of Prison Torture

http://www.facebook.com/WeAllEssamAtta

We are all Essam Ali
http://www.facebook.com/weareEssamAli

We are all Essam Ali (Arabic)

http://www.facebook.com/pages/كلنا-عصام-على/210874632319721

I’m Still Afraid

2011-10-25T04:25:00.000-07:00

The simple fact of the matter is that we have an army that kills its own people. They used live rounds in previous incidents and in recent times added an Armored Personnel Carriers (APCs) running over unarmed protesters to their magnificent resume. The 'Maspero Massacre' is no isolated incident; it’s what soldiers have practiced for some time now.

"I used to be afraid, now I'm Egyptian"

It may be unimaginable to a westerner what it’s like in a country ruled by a mafia, a group of sinister men who care nothing for human related values and will stop at nothing to attain personal gains. This state of affairs may be difficult to fathom for anyone from a somewhat civilized society or someone never exposed to the brutality of a third world country.

Let me explain what it’s like. It’s not an absolute nightmare; it’s closer to a jungle with skewed rules. The one thing you can do to survive is forfeit your freedom along with any rights you may think you have. You are not to have an opinion, because having an opinion may lead to voicing it and voicing it may lead to some action or may just offend the masters. These sinister men will shut you up, kidnap you, torture you and even kill you if you criticize them or threaten their lawlessness. So in a way you may yet survive this tyranny by keeping your mouth shut, but if you get in their way, they will literally crush you.

The real problem in dealing with these mobsters is when you oppose them and try and take what’s yours. They do not believe your money, property or rights are yours anymore. They believe that they are invaders who have the right to control everything about you. They are like an occupying foreign force. Calling for what’s right becomes very dangerous.

I am sure of the army’s treachery, I am sure of the threat to my life and my safety when I protest. That’s why it’s not easy for me to go out and protest despite my certainty of their evil nature. I must first consider the specific cause for which I’m marching for, and after that I have to consider whether I’m willing to get hurt for it, go to jail or risk dying for it. There are times like the Abbaseya march when I went out knowing full well we were walking into a trap. There are other times when I was sure that at midnight, the attacks would commence, like the day the Israeli embassy was rumored to have been stormed. There are so many elements that go into making this decision, and the freedom of assembly or any other human right is not something one can take for granted.

I must confess I’m not one of those Egyptians who have rid themselves of fear. I have the same fear of being hurt or killed while marching or going to a protest. I don’t fit the stereotype of a valiant Egyptian revolutionary who has overcome his fears and marches bravely ready to die for his cause. I care for my life and I would rather live a good life than die at a protest. Not having the courage to face death, I still go out trying to avoid it but prepared for the possibility of a chance encounter.

So why go out with all these fears and calculations? Why even risk it? Perhaps I choose to march out of fear itself, for fear that the future will hold more dangers for me and for generations to come. Perhaps out of hope and perhaps the promise of a better life. But maybe the main reason I march is because of another force stronger than fear, a force of dignity.

I was raised to reject slavery in all forms and so, despite everything, I decided not to be a servant of evil beings. I come from a world of freedom that exists in some way around me and has been transferred inside me. If movies, books and literature have poised my brain then they have done the finest job deluding me into thinking I deserve freedom and that human life and dignity are worth something. The sinister men have tried to instill a sense of low self-worth and indignity within us. But somewhere along the line, the idea that humans are born free and are worthy of a decent life has seeped through the cracks. Their plan to keep us all in check has failed somewhere along the line. I have been damaged beyond repair and now I cannot rid myself of the idea that I deserve to be free.

Utopia

2011-10-19T15:03:00.000-07:00

"If you suffer your people to be ill-educated and their manners corrupted from infancy, and then punish them for those crimes to which their first education disposed them, what else is to be concluded, sire, but that you first make thieves and then punish them?""

~Thomas More

The Maspero Aftermath

2011-10-16T01:51:00.000-07:00

My words don’t mean much because no words can truly describe Egypt at the present moment. Cairo is now very morose and everyone with a conscience is filled with sadness. It’s a different kind of sadness, not the sadness over martyrs who have helped liberate the country, a sadness closer to defeat.

One must come to terms that the events of Maspero have been a great defeat to Egyptians. The greatest defeat was not that the military fired on its people, nor is it that the state media propagated lies inciting Egyptians, or that Egyptians took to the streets to kill each other with knives and swords. The greatest defeat was the reaction of Egyptian citizens to these events. The saddest part is that Egyptians believed the lies circulated by state TV that Copts started firing at the army but even those who did not believe didn’t really care.

They’re getting away with it like they have with many incidents in the past. They’re getting away with it because it happened to the Coptic Christians of Egypt. One might be tempted to say this isn’t accurate; the army attacked both Copts and Muslims and didn’t discriminate between either. I agree completely but the attacks and deaths have been associated to Copts, even if some Muslims partook and shared the same fate. Who will stand up for the Copts? Muslim extremists don’t mind that Copts were murdered and moderate Muslims are divided; some don’t mind what happened and others are incensed but the greater majority doesn’t really care. The fact remains that the military is reaping the benefits of the sectarian strife that the regime has sown for 60 years. The true tragedy is the indifference of the moderates; that is the true defeat.

The army got away with convincing the world that protesters stormed the Israeli embassy, and perhaps they would be surprised not to get away with the events of Maspero. But why should anything happen to them? Killers are still at large and continue to kill; those inciting hate, violence and murder are still broadcasting their lies; demonstrations and demonstrators are being crushed; why should anything change?

Those who support revolutionary change are disappointed and enraged. It is indeed disappointing to have an army that has betrayed its people, and state media that betrayed the truth but the most disappointing is to have Egyptians insisting on seeing lies as truth. Even the most optimistic of us have been worn down by the events of maspero.

The irony is that the brave resilient youth who stood up to one of the most brutal police regimes will not be defeated by the bullets and weapons of the regime, but by the soft whispers of their countrymen betraying their cause.

Egyptians have defeated themselves. The pain of losing vibrant passionate people is exacerbated by the apathy of Egyptians who are charged with protecting them. As people were being buried after being run over by the army and killed using live ammo, apathetic Egyptians were discussing whether the Copts had a right to protest, and whether or not the church was burnt and perhaps even condemning the attacks of protesters on the APCs than ran over a third of the protesters that were killed. It seems that in Egypt APCs are more valuable than humans beings.

The Maspero Massacre on 9 October 2011

2011-10-10T01:24:00.000-07:00

I am posting the following links I’ve collected on the events of Maspero on 9 October 2011. I am posting this without much commentary because the videos and the pictures speak for themselves. I only have this to say. What happened yesterday will beg the question, “Why?” because the “What” is already clear.

APC running protesters over

The army orchestrated an attack on Coptic protests to make it appear as though there is sectarian violence that is not sponsored by the state. They failed. Most Copts understand that this is the doing of the army, not the Muslims. I’m not sure how aware most Muslims are that the Copts did not start any of the violence.

More than 25 people were killed and over 300 others injured.

So why? Why did the army fire on people? Why is the SCAF orchestrating this? Why are Copts targeted?

I won’t go into lengthy answers, but this is the same old plan. It’s like the bombing of the church on New Year’s and it’s like many other sectarian clashes instigated by State Security.

APC running protesters over

Very disturbing, APC running over protesters deliberately and mercilessly http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=297792996913952

Minute 5.45 shows clearly without a doubt how the APC ran over protesters.. incredibly disturbing

Army soldier actually firing from APC caught on video

Various Footage

How it all started

More footage (German TV)

The part the German TV did not catch

Egyptian soldier proud of having shot a protester

Green laser pointer on a protester indicating presence of snipers

Sharaf was advised and did nothing

A video implicating the army

Another video showing CSF and army damaging the cars

Full version of the video showing army damaging cars

Priest protecting a soldier from other protesters despite the murders before them

Interview with priest who protected the soldier

Eyewitness accounts, articles and blog posts

Hossam Bahgat's eyewitness account

Daily News Egypt

CNN Reports on the military's history of violence

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LLiagb7-wxQ

Sarah Carr's footage of the Shubra march

Moustafa El Fouly saying dead protesters were thrown into the Nile

Arabawy's blog post

http://www.arabawy.org/2011/10/09/army-and-police-massacre-protesters-at-maspero/

Ahram Online article

http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/23714.aspx

Sarah Carr's first hand account on Al Masry Al Yom and on CBC

http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/503496

http://www.cbc.ca/video/news/audioplayer.html?clipid=2151147564

Jack Shenker's analysis on the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/10/cairo-violence-military-rulers?cat=world&type=article

Eyewitness testimony from Hani Bushra

http://www.facebook.com/notes/hani-bushra/my-testimony-about-the-attack-that-i-suffered-in-downtown-cairo-on-october-9-201/10150321526196820

Ahdaf Soueif on the Guardian

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/oct/10/attack-on-egyptian-christians-not-sectarian?CMP=twt_gu

Maspero Testimonies - A blog dedicated to documenting the eyewitness accounts of 9 October
http://masperotestimonies.wordpress.com/

Guardian translates some testimonies
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2011/oct/14/egypt-christians-copts-cairo-demonstrations-interactive

Guardian documents some testimonies
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/11/cairo-witnesses-security-forces-bloodshed?CMP=twt_gu

Al Masry Al Yom Editorial
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/503904

International Federation for Human Rights
http://www.fidh.org/The-Egyptian-Army-crushing

Human Rights Watch
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/10/10/egypt-investigate-violence-against-coptic-christians

Comprehensive Human Rights Watch Report
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/10/25/egypt-don-t-cover-military-killing-copt-protesters

Amnesty International
http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/deadly-clashes-coptic-protest-egypt-show-urgent-need-reform-2011-10-11

Mosireen.org - A collection of videos about the events
http://mosireen.org/

El Nadeem cause of death report here

TV channels being raided

25 Jan TV Channel raided

Al Hurrah raided

The Victims

Vivian talks about Michael Mosaad's murder by the army

No arrests made...

Another video :http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=271201212902672

Simon Hanna covers funeral for Ahram Online

Mina Daniel's Autopsy report: "Projectile entered the upper chest and exited from the lower back"

Shohada Maspero Website - Eyewitness testimonies

http://www.shohada2maspero.net/

State TV Lies

Soldiers with one arm bandaged

Rasha Magdy on State TV inciting Egyptians against Copts

Apologies for not getting the original video of soldiers lying about the events

Soldier calls Christians sons of bitches

Meet the New Boss: A tale of military extortion

2011-10-06T18:26:00.000-07:00

On the way back from Ain Sokhna close to 11 pm on Friday night, 23 September 2011, I was stopped by a group of army personnel. I was in the company of a male Egyptian friend and a female Australian friend (the significance of gender soon to be elucidated). They searched thoroughly through every piece of trash in my mess of a car and came up with an unopened bottle of alcohol kept in a back pack in the trunk of the car.

“We found this,” the soldier promptly reported as he held up the cheap bottle. I carelessly remarked, “This is a closed container of alcohol.”

They continued to rummage through the car, over and over again with much redundancy.

When they were done, one of the army personnel said they had to confiscate and break the bottle. I could not tell if he was an officer or a conscript, since he was wearing army pants and a designer shirt but in all likelihood, he was an officer since he had the freedom to do so. I once again emphasized that it was a closed container which meant they had no right to do so.

The officer responded, “If there’s a closed one here, it means that another was consumed there.”

It may be pertinent to point that neither I nor my company had consumed any alcohol earlier.

I responded, “the law says that …” and before I had completed the sentence, the officer said, “Don’t talk to me about the law, I’ve been up since 6 am in the morning doing this.”

I did not care for the bottle in any way, but my concern was for being a victim of illegitimate abuse. I insisted that he had no legal ground for confiscating the bottle, and he insisted he didn’t care much for legitimacy.

“Where did you buy this?” he asked.

“Duty free,” I said.

“Do you have your passport to prove it?”

“No.”

“Then I’m sorry.”

“I could have bought it from Egypt and paid 3000 LE in customs for all you care,” I said.

My friend spoke to the officer, aggressively opposed to his actions. The officer in retaliation said that he could just through it up in the air and smash it if he wanted to. My friend said he couldn’t do that, but I on the other hand agreed with the officer.

“You can do whatever you want because you’re carrying a gun, but not because you have a right to,” I said.

He said that nothing can be done by force and that he had his orders. He went on to say, “I have orders to confiscate any drugs, electric shock, alcohol and condoms.”

“Condoms?” I asked.

“Yes,” he replied, “just earlier today we stopped 73 cars and the women were all complaining when we confiscated their electric shocks.”

“I understand about electric shocks and drugs, but the rest of your instructions are illegal. How do I know you really have orders to confiscate these items?” I asked.

He said, “It’s simple we wait for a military truck that transfers you to C28, the prosecution for military intelligence and then you get to find out.”

“You want me to go to military prosecution infamous for locking up 12,000 people unjustly where trials are done in an officer’s mess for this?” I responded.

“What trials?” he said, “Don’t believe all that you hear.”

“You and I both know this is what happens,” I responded. “I’m not going to waste my time waiting for that truck when we both know that you do not have the right to confiscate alcohol if it’s in a closed container. Besides, if I knew I was doing something wrong, I wouldn’t have argued with you for so long, and more importantly if you knew you had a right to do what you’re doing, you wouldn’t have been so patient and civil in this conversation.”

We talked for around 30 minutes. It was the same old technique used by Egyptian police to blackmail passersby on the road. The idea as I learned from earlier encounters was that the security personnel would use threats of time wasting and hassles in order for you to bribe them.

The officer held on to the alcohol bottle, and said that he had to destroy it. He said he’d pour it all out to show us that he was actually getting rid of it. What did he think we were suspicious of? Whatever suspicions we may have not have of him trying to take this bottle for him and his buddies were asserted.

I explained to my Australian friend what was going on and translated some of the conversation.

Me and my Egyptian friend quarreled and were intent on not allowing this abuse of power. Many words were exchanged. Despite the absurdity of the situation, I noticed that the army officers were still new at this. They exerted too much effort searching the car, something the police would have been more efficient at. They also couldn’t maintain that balance between power and abuse. They were too civil at times and too threatening at times.

In a few months, they would perfect these attacks. After enough abuses they would find out that they need to exert less effort searching the cars, they need to be less tense when issuing threats and they would get what they wanted easily from those who cared more for their time than they cared for the rule of law.

I knew that the price for my time was the bottle, and it’s a price I would be willing to pay in different circumstances. But with that price, I would have given up my rights and the rule of law which I wasn’t willing to give away. I was ready to wait it out and perhaps even risk the chance of facing military prosecution with falsified charges because I didn’t want to willingly give up my right and succumb to military extortion.

My Australian friend had stood at a distance and hadn’t engaged the officers in any conversation.

“This is ridiculous,” she finally said addressing the officer in English.

“No this is not ridiculous,” responded the officer looking surprised. I was surprised too, for other reasons. I had not expected the officer to understand the word ‘ridiculous’ and hadn’t expected him to respond in English.

He then stood there for five seconds trying to find the words to convince her of his position, but found none. He then handed her the cheap bottle saying, “A gift for you.”

In All Cases, the State of Emergency

2011-09-24T04:35:00.000-07:00

“In all cases, the announcement of a state of emergency will be for a limited time period not exceeding 6 months,” so says article 59 of the provisional constitution. ‘In all cases’, that’s a very powerful phrase and it’s not a mistranslation either. It did not say in ‘all of the above cases’ or ‘in most cases’ or ‘in all relevant cases’. The absoluteness of this statement is beyond contention. Since this is the constitution we’re plagued with, we must follow this rule.

According to Tarek El Bishry, who headed the committee to write the new constitutional declaration, the emergency law has ended on 19 September, 6 months after the referendum.

I personally think it will end on 30 September, 6 months after the adoption of the provisional constitution on 30 March .

In any case, we know that we were in a state of emergency when the SCAF announced that military trials will be ongoing as long as the emergency law is active. That happened even before the events of the Israeli embassy on 9 September and the announcement that the emergency law was necessary.

The SCAF on the other hand, thinks that Mubarak’s declaration of the extension of the emergency law is still valid till June 2012. They are gravely mistaken. Article 62 states "All laws and regulations decided upon before the publication of this Announcement remain valid and implemented; however, it is possible to cancel laws or amend them according to the rules and procedures adopted in this Announcement."

This means that any law in conflict with the new constitutional declaration needs to be amended to match the constitution, which means the decision taken in 2010 to extend the emergency law is void because it is in direct conflict with the constitution and constitutions supersede any law. The SCAF do not have the power to extend the emergency law in absence of a parliament and a popular referendum.

Article 59

The president of the republic, after taking into account the opinion of the cabinet, can announce a state of emergency as stipulated in law. He/she must present this announcement to the People’s Assembly within the seven subsequent days to decide its view on this matter. If the state of emergency is announced in a period of recess, the Assembly must be called back to session immediately to review the matter, taking into account the time limit mentioned above. If the People’s Assembly is dissolved, the matter will be reviewed by the new Assembly at its first meeting. A majority of the members of the People’s Assembly must agree to the announcement of a state of emergency. In all cases, the announcement of a state of emergency will be for a limited time period not exceeding 6 months. It is not permissible to extend it, except after a people’s referendum on the matter and their agreement to an extension.

In all cases, we cannot be in a state of emergency for more than six months. Yet we are. The real state of emergency is a military dictatorship that does not respect the constitution or the law or any of its citizens for that matter. The real problem is that we have no means of respecting the law as long as the enforcers themselves are the law breakers.

Article 56: A Referendum Disrespected

2011-09-19T15:54:00.000-07:00

I know I’m revisiting an old topic, but perhaps it is not clear to some that the referendum has been disrespected and the constitution has no legitimacy.

What was the referendum about? The answer is not as complex as some people make it out to be. It was a referendum to change eight articles of the 1971 constitution. Argue what you will about what you thought it was, that is what was written and that is what you signed. It wasn’t about Article 2 of the constitution as some made it out to be and it wasn’t about the legitimacy of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) as others claim. It was all written in the document signed by millions of Egyptians.

It makes no sense to argue that the referendum was something other than was written. Why would it be? Why would they not write what it truly was? If you signed a cheque for a million pounds, is it a valid argument to claim that you were told it meant a hundred pounds? It would only make sense if you hadn’t read what you signed, and that would be foolish anyway.

The reason we have to be crystal clear about what the referendum was about is to understand whether it was respected or not. The truth, plain and simple: It was not.

What was supposed to happen?

Had the referendum been respected, the ’71 constitution would have been brought back to life with the eight articles amended and any contradiction removed. This meant, however, that the head of the constitutional court would take charge of Egypt, something the SCAF would never allow.

Assuming for a ludicrous moment that respecting the referendum meant a new constitutional declaration that nullifies the ’71 constitution, what would it entail? It would mean adding articles from ’71 constitution along with the eight new articles voted in. Even though this scenario would have contradicted the text in the referendum, it still would have been acceptable.

What actually happened?

What actually happened is nothing short of a disaster. The SCAF added seven of the eight articles voted in by Egyptians, altered one of them and declared a new constitution. They added a grand total of 57 more articles that no one agreed to or was aware of. Although many articles were compliant with the dreaded ’71 constitution, the number of crucial and dictatorial articles added was almost as many as those voted on.

The real disaster however is article 56, which grants the SCAF the powers of a dictator. The article states:

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces deals with the administration of the affairs of the country. To achieve this, it has directly the following authorities:

1) Legislation

2) Issuing public policy for the state and the public budget and ensuring its implementation

3) Appointing the appointed members of the People’s Assembly

4) Calling the People’s Assembly and the Shura Council to enter into normal session, adjourn, or hold an extraordinary session, and adjourn said session.

5) The right to promulgate laws or object to them.

6) Represent the state domestically and abroad, sign international treaties and agreements, and be considered a part of the legal system of the state.

7) Appoint the head of the cabinet and his/her deputies and ministers and their deputies, as well as relieve them of their duties.

8) Appoint civilian and military employees and political representatives, as well as dismiss them according to the law; accredit foreign political representatives.

9) Pardon or reduce punishment, though blanket amnesty is granted only by law.

10) Other authorities and responsibilities as determined by the president of the republic pursuant to laws and regulations. The Council shall have the power to delegate its head or one of its members to take on its responsibilities.

I am quite certain that if a law suit were to be filed against the SCAF for their actions in disrespecting the referendum, the court would rule against them. However, as things stand, the SCAF control everything and so fairness is not an option.

Other articles that were not part of the referendum or the 1971 constitution are 57, 58, 59, 61, 62. Article 189 was transformed into article 60 with changes contrary to the referendum which accepted the article as it was.

What does it all mean?

The intentional disrespect of a nationwide referendum is symptomatic of a dictatorship that did not end with the fall of Mubarak. If a person’s vote has not been respected in a referendum that the SCAF itself designed, then how will it be respected in the upcoming elections?

Those calling for a constitution before elections are not disrespecting the referendum in any way. It is the SCAF that disrespected the referendum, the revolution and the entire country. These are greedy men who will never relinquish control.

There Was No Storm

2011-09-13T03:18:00.000-07:00

Military personnel organizing the alleged 'storming' of the embassy

The storming of the Israeli embassy is a catastrophe, not because it is a diplomatic incident, or because protests got out of hand, but because there was no storming of the embassy. The real catastrophe is in the fabrication of an event by the armed forces in order to create their own version of Pearl Harbor, or 9/11.

The reason for this is only so that the SCAF can tighten its slipping grip over Egypt’s politics. The plan is to bring back the practices of arbitrary arrests and subjugation without an onslaught from the media or public opinion. This time, the laws target the revolutionary youth instead of the Muslim Brotherhood. The inaccurate presentation of the embassy events as an attack that could lead to an international crisis helps instill fear in the heart of Egyptians who do not want chaos in their country.

One of the least talked about issues when it comes to the events of September 9 is how the so-called storming of the embassy flat happened. The media portrays it as some uncontrollable attack by a mob where security forces lost control. The truth couldn’t be farther. The tearing down of the wall, was a celebration that met no resistance from the myriad of security personnel present there. The protesters did not greatly outnumber the number of soldiers with perhaps over 40 trucks in the vicinity of the embassy. This means that the most conservative estimate places 2000 soldiers charged with the protection of embassies in that area.

After the demolition came celebrations. The next part of the show was allowing Ahmed El Shahat wannabes to scale the building to take down the Israeli flag. Not just one person, but 4 of them attempted to scale the building, the most successful of which managed to make it to the fifth floor. At this point they were all summoned in, possibly with assurances from the army that they will not be arrested and will be allowed to continue. This all took place in the Israeli embassy building mind you, not the one next to it which Ahmed El Shahat scaled. It is important to point out that all those who made it through were almost handpicked, and the army did not allow anyone to go through.

What followed was incomprehensible. They remained for inside the building for about 20-30 minutes inside the building before re-emerging once more on balconies on various floors. The climbers waved from the balconies and crowd cheered in euphoria from below. It was very odd to see that amount of people let inside the building despite heavy security presence below. Every once in a while, it seemed that yet another floor and another apartment was invaded. Around 15 of them ended up on the roof of the next door building and around 10 of the others were seen 2 floors beneath the Israeli flag in yet another balcony. One has to wonder how all these apartments were invaded and why. Below, no more protesters were allowed in.

On another front, clashes broke out between CSF and protesters. That was near the Saudi embassy, and possibly another way of accessing the Israeli embassy building. Rock throwing and fending off attacks, that was the deal at the back, but not at the main entrance, not where the show was at.

When the flag was taken down, everyone cheered and thought it was over. Those that comfortably traversed the entire building would not stop. They did not think their mission was over. That was the most perplexing part, how were they so comfortable staying there? Why did they not leave after the flag had been taken down? There was one more part of the show to be performed. Later I heard news of documents flying out from that balcony two floors below where the flag was once raised. They were meaningless documents with Arabic and Hebrew script. There were bills, contracts, invoices; all trifles.

The news spread that the embassy had been breached. This created responses of what a catastrophe it was. The internet world and the media was filled with condemnation of the incident. Then came other sources which said the embassy had not been breached; but the damage had been done. The idea that the embassy had been stormed had spread, and even now, that is the term is being used.

This was a controlled fire of the army’s making. Even the video shows the orchestration. Whether those scaling the building were army privates or used protesters I do not know, but it does not matter much anyway. There is sufficient proof, according to presidential candidate Ayman Noor that one of the instigators of attacks at the Ministry of Interior was a thug usually hired by the MOI themselves and who has burnt down the Al Ghad party premises before. The protesters fended off the attack against the MOI eventually probably counter to the MOI plan. I would imagine that some of the faces allowed inside the Israeli embassy building will include familiar thugs or perhaps soldiers.

The violence erupted later when a police car ran protesters over, again. This was the real battle, and strangely enough, the police forces managed to fend it off. The idea was to create a scene where chaos prevails, and in time no one will remember what happened first, the violence or the so called breaching of the Israeli embassy. All this was combined with directed media to portray an event that did not take place. I would not be surprised if the Israeli government was well aware of this plan. Their response alludes to that much anyway.

There was no storming of the embassy, there was a storming of Egypt by a group of militant mobsters who aim to keep its riches under their control. There is a plan to keep the people subdued and quell the revolution. Egypt did not breach any of its international agreements, and this protects the army. The papers seem prepared to be dispersed. Yes there was a desire to storm the embassy, and yes there was a desire to expel the ambassador, but there was never a way. The protesters that night couldn’t have taken on the arm but the army were peaceful and welcoming. All this was a play, and only the most ardent of fools in denial will see it as something else.

There was no storm. Mubarakism is still alive.

The Israeli Embassy: Under Friendly Fire?

2011-09-10T12:49:00.000-07:00

I will raise my suspicions for now without providing any analysis. I would have most definitely joined the ranks of those celebrating this victory had I thought it was real. I don’t care about the diplomatic ‘incident’, our borders have been breached and our soldiers have been killed. I don’t care about how uncivilized it may seem, our military and police are murderers, torturers and traitors to their people. This is a revolution and our rulers do not represent us. I will not condemn protesters for taking over Maspero, or even the parliament.

A few hundred protesters started tearing down the wall protecting the Israeli embassy. Does it not rouse any suspicion that they were allowed to do so? The silence of the military in the face of this demolition is uncharacteristic of them.

When I arrived in front of the Israeli embassy, all the walls had been demolished. Beneath us, scores upon scores of military and CSF personnel. A while later, a few ‘protesters’ were seen scaling the building. Only one of them managed to scale 5 floors on his own, the rest went into the building and came out every once in a while on another floor’s balcony. Finally, they were let in the building on the fifth floor. This was the Israeli embassy building, not the neighboring one.

The really suspicious part is that they were in the building for more than 20 minutes before re-emerging again at various locations. Around ten or more were on the roof of the neighboring building and less than 10 were two floors below the Israeli embassy’s penthouse.

What were they doing all this time before re-emerging? How come they had access to most apartments in the building? Who were they?

With some difficulty the climbers returned to the yellow lit flat they’ve taken over below the embassy. Later, I heard news of paper being tossed out.

More questions. Why were those papers being tossed out? Why wasn’t the embassy itself really stormed? Will we ever see those guys who stormed the embassy again?

In one of the interviews, one of the stormers said that he delivered everything to the army, his command. This seems suspicious and raises another question. Why were the military personnel very peaceful with those protesters but violent with the others just next to the Saudi embassy? Were other protesters trying to storm the embassy building from the other direction?

The most vicious fighting took place after the deed had been done. Could it be that after the desired had been done, the police decided not to risk escalations?

Some foreigners have been targeted. Every time a foreigner is targeted, it spells the old State Security. Does it not seem very characteristic of the regime to blame protesters for what they themselves have been doing? Remember the prisoners that were let go? Remember the police stations that were burnt simultaneously?

I have this strong suspicion that we did not storm the Israeli embassy. This was friendly fire. My suspicion is that this incident is the SCAF’s own Pearl Harbor or 9/11. My hope is that Egyptians don’t fall for it.

Calling in the Dark

2011-09-07T04:23:00.000-07:00

Let's call it how it is. The regime has not changed. The idea that the revolution is successful is the biggest adversary to the reality that the revolution is ongoing. The reason I say this is not out of optimism, for that is a quality that I do not truly possess. I say it because we haven’t been beaten yet. As long as there is a will to fight in some of the people who made what we’ve achieved so far possible, then then the revolution is ongoing.

I personally will not accept the status quo. I will not accept slavery. This is what the regime is all about. I do not accept it for myself, and I don’t accept it for others, even if they do. Those advocating slavery cannot free themselves, but rather, need to be set free. I am no savior, nobody is; but if enough people insist on their freedom, the others will be set free.

I have been set free; set free of my illusions. I am no longer under the impression that a leader in a uniform can save us. I know fully well that salvation comes from within. I have been granted that which many others have not. I have had the opportunity to see other places, to have a good education and to understand intellectual freedom. Don’t ask me to give that up. I won’t anyway.

I am a liberator. Not of everyone, but of myself. I feel liberated when I speak the truth. I feel liberated when I stand for justice. I feel liberated when my actions don’t fall short of the values I believe in.

Today, the SCAF is implementing true Mubarakism at its finest. It’s all of the oppression and misinformation. Today, however, I have become immune to it. I no longer tolerate the injustice of an oppressive regime. I may not have the power to do much about it today, but when I’m given the opportunity I will not be a coward.

I am not a brave person, nor have I ever been idealistic. But I was always capable of putting myself in another’s shoes. This is my blessing and my curse. I have imagined myself, beaten and broken. I have imagined myself unjustly locked up in military prison. I have imagined myself tortured and calling out for help. In my imagination, there has been no comfort but that of a voice calling out from outside the walls, ‘you are not forgotten’. That voice has been a comfort. I cannot help the torture or injustice, they cannot be altered instantly. I need only know that someone out there still remembers me; that I am not nobody. I am someone who exists and does not deserve this injustice.

In my waking hours, I am that voice that calls out ‘you are not forgotten’. I don’t know who you are, and I don’t know why you’ve had to spend these rough torturous nights, but I am calling out. I know that they can’t hear me, but I’m calling out anyway. I am calling out because in their darkest hour, they must be imagining somebody out there who has not forgotten about them.

I have long resented the SCAF for their pride and their arrogance. They think that they have the right to control millions of people just because of a bank account. Their military trials are as unjust as the emergency law. Their deeds are as dark as their predecessor. I feel liberated when I call them out on their evil deeds. I may be just a feeble voice calling out in the dark, but I call out because I need to, not because others need me to. I call out because it matters what a person thinks. I call out because I’m free.

The Mubarak Trial: A Theatrical Review

2011-09-03T15:49:00.000-07:00

The Mubarak trial, while significant politically must be analyzed by an art critic rather than a political analyst. The spectacle viewed by millions deserves a better review with all the show that’s been put in place for the people. The true nature of the Mubarak trial is that of a stage play and must be evaluated on its theatrical rather than political merits.

Let’s start with the writing. This play has been granted a large amount time for writing. The writing conditions may have been stressful; the protests in May could have attached a sense of urgency, and the 8 July sit-in may have expedited the execution. Yet, this script has been in the kitchen for quite some time so there can be no excuse for the quality of work produced.

The results have not been catastrophic. The script may not be air tight, but was adequate for all intended purposes. The true challenge came with the execution which I dare say, fell below the mark.

That’s not to say that some of the elements of the performance weren’t well executed. The set design, for example, was impeccable. The hall looked like a real court room and the cage within was built with great attention given to the tiniest details such as the spacing between the wires. The costume design was one of the elements to be marveled at. The white track suits were well designed and a perfect fit (at least in one of the episodes). Audio was clear and the picture contained much realism.

Choreography was believable and not forced. Various actors danced their part. However, as any choreographer would tell you, the moves are only half of it, the other half is the dancers themselves. Unfortunately, the dancers were a true disaster.

Besides a few other minor glitches, acting was the real failing in the whole production. Setting aside the fact that the accused was brought in on a stretcher instead of a wheel chair, the deposed president had too much vigor for someone rumored to be in and out of comas all the time. His strong voice gave way, as if he were reluctantly playing the part. He also fidgeted around in his bed too much for someone being brought in on a stretcher. His movements were numerous, impatient and showed signed of strength that should have been absent. He acted more like a healthy child confined to his bed by protective parents, aching to be released from the clutches of his bed and to go outside and play with his friends.

The ex-president’s sons didn’t do a fine job either. Their faces were healthy and smug and their entire appearance was unconvincing. To make matters worse, Alaa, in a moment of improvisation, broke out of character and revealed his true identity by ordering a camera to stop filming with much authority.

Supporting actors did not help either. The execution was not convincing enough. Characters forgot their roles and saluted the prisoners in a gesture that completely betrayed the authenticity of the entire play. On the one hand, one might defend them by claiming they are not professional actors, but on the other hand, it should not be much of an effort for them considering that this is their real job and the role should be executed with ease.

That’s not to say the play was not an overall success, it was and it was viewed by tens of millions who at the very least appreciated the effort and thought put into this production. It is only that these little glitches that deter a viewer from fully being immersed in the drama and makes the whole story less believable. Here are a few things that would have made the production better.

Had the SCAF not been a dictatorship meddling with the judiciary system, the likelihood of believing this was a real trial would have increased greatly. This is compounded with their reluctance to try Mubarak for a very long time and the constant rumors about his ailing health that was once one of the country’s taboos. Had Mubarak been brought in on a wheel chair rather than a stretcher and had he acted the part, the play would have been more believable.

However the gravest of all flaws lies in the script itself which is devoid of any mystery. The way the case has been built, with evidence stacked very poorly against the deposed president gives away the ending. There has been no effort to stack the evidence in a believable manner to create any form of suspense as to how the play will end. The laws of the country have been set up by the perpetrators themselves to give them protection at any time. The SCAF’s refusal to alter any of these laws undermines the entire show. If there is no conviction, the play will extend as long as the crowd is willing to endure.

SCAF balance sheet at a glance

2011-08-30T01:14:00.000-07:00

Source: Ahram Online
The following outlines the major promises pledged by the ruling military council in communiqués on their official Facebook page and widely repeated statements on television and other media outlets.

Promise	Status	Source
Rebuild the church in Atfeeh, Helwan before Easter	Fulfilled	Media Release
Rebuild the churches in Imbaba and compensating for damages	Fulfilled	Communiqué 48
Release of some civilians subjected to military trials	Fulfilled	Communiqués 29, 30,36, 40,55
Investigate Hosni Mubarak and his family	Fulfilled	Communiqué 35
Hold parliamentary elections in September	Broken	Media Releases
Leave power within 6 Months	Broken	Media Releases
To protect protests and protesters	Broken	Communiqués 1, 68 and others
Answer queries within 24 hours	Broken	Communiqué 2
Execute necessary reforms that meet the legitimate demands and aspirations of the Egyptian people	Unfulfilled	Communiqué 6
Take all necessary precautions to ensure military police does not deal violently with protesters	Broken	Communiqué 22
Release all arrested on 25 February	Broken	Communiqué 23
Presidential Elections will not be postponed to 2012	Unfulfilled	Communiqué 28
Investigation into the torture of female protesters and taking corrective actions	Broken	Communiqué 29
Military trials only used for acts of thuggery	Broken	Communiqués 30, 68
Bring those involved in corruption and killers of protesters quickly to justice, return stolen wealth and equality of citizens before the law	Broken	Communiqué 31
Investigate Zamalek vs African match events	Unfulfilled	Communiqué 32
Egyptian media has the complete freedom to discuss any topic, military never interferes	Broken	Communiqué 42
Egyptians abroad to vote in next elections	Unfulfilled	Communiqué 49
Retry all youth subjected to military trials	Unfulfilled	Communiqué 50
Investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry	Unfulfilled	Communiqué 53
Take the side of revolutionary youth	Unknown	Media Releases; numerous Communiqués

Egypt's Supreme Military Council: promises kept, broken, deferred

2011-08-29T05:17:00.000-07:00

The following are the main pledges made by the ruling military council in communiqués on their official Facebook page and in widely repeated statements on television and via other media outlets.

Fulfilled promises

“Rebuild the church in Atfeeh, Helwan before Easter”
In early March, the church in Sol, Atfeeh in the governorate of Helwan was set ablaze and demolished as a result of sectarian tensions. After mass protests, the armed forces pledged to rebuild the church before Easter. The task was completed on time and the new church is said to be finer than what preceded it.
Status: Fulfilled; Source: Media release

“Rebuild the churches in Imbaba and compensate for damages”
Early May marked another case of sectarian violence when a church in Imbaba was attacked and set ablaze. The clashes resulted in several deaths and numerous injuries. The army once again promised to rebuild the church and pay damages. The church on Wehda Street in Imbaba was rebuilt and some compensation was paid to owners whose shops were damaged.
Status: Fulfilled; Source: Communiqué 48

“Release of some civilians subjected to military trials”
Civilians mentioned by name in official SCAF communiqués have all been released. Those the SCAF promised to release or retry are Mohamed Adel Mohamed Fawzy, Amr Eissa, Waleed Samy Saad, Ahmed Abdel Meguid as well as 120 others arrested on 9 March.
Status: Fulfilled; Source: Communiqués 29, 30, 36, 40, 55

“Investigate Hosni Mubarak and his family”
It has taken a lot of public pressure to see Mubarak and his sons caged in a court room. This is one of the promises by the ruling military council that has been fulfilled.
Status: Fulfilled; Source Communiqué 35

Unfulfilled promises

“Hold parliamentary elections in September”
According to many sources, the parliamentary elections have been pushed back to November.
Status: Broken; Source: Media releases

“Leave power within six months”
Despite their promise to hand over power within six months, the ruling military council has chosen to remain in power, with no other date for departure announced.
Status: Broken; Source: Media releases

“To protect protests and protesters”
The very first promise to protect protesters was broken several times. Today, the promise seems permanently broken with SCAF and Central Security Forces (CSF) taking over Tahrir Square without explanation.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 1, 68, others

“Answer all queries within 24 hours”
In its message to the Egyptian people communicating via Facebook, the military council promised to answer all queries within 24 hours starting from 17 February 2011. The silence of the SCAF regarding many issues is in direct violation of the promise it pledged without coercion.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 2

“Execute necessary reforms that meet the legitimate demands and aspirations of the Egyptian people”
This promise followed Mubarak’s overthrow, amidst apprehension from Egyptians as to how the military will respond to the demands of the people. This promise seems unfulfilled in many ways. There has been no adequate reform in the ministry of interior, the police or state media. On the contrary, many actions taken seem in opposition of people’s demands such as resorting to military trials and passing a law that criminalises strikes and sit-ins. Furthermore there has been no real reform in the legislative system which remains inadequate at fulfilling justice demanded by the Egyptian people. The SCAF may have misunderstood people’s demands or has not been competent enough to execute the reforms necessary as was promised.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 6

“Take all necessary precautions to ensure the military police does not deal violently with protesters”
Communiqué 22 was issued on 26 February after the violent dispersion of protesters on the night of 25 February when calling for the resignation of then-Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq. The message was for the most part a confession and an apology for breaking the promise in Communiqué 1. It also contained a promise to take all necessary precautions so that such events were not repeated. What were these measures? How could these measures have been taken if the military police are present at every protest? Indeed, the measures have proven inadequate judging by events like 9 March, 8 April and 1 August where violence and torture were reported.
Status: Broken; Source Communiqué 22

“Release all those arrested on 25 February”
Despite the promise, there is the well known case of Amr El-Behairy who was sentenced to five years imprisonment. Amr El-Behairy was arrested on the night of 25 February despite numerous witnesses attesting he was unarmed and innocent of charges brought against him. Others were released, but because not all were released to date; this promise can be marked as broken.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 23

“Presidential elections will not be postponed to 2012”
On 27 March, the SCAF denied the postponement of presidential elections to 2012. While technically this denial cannot be proven false until the end of the year, it seems so far that presidential elections have in fact been postponed to 2012.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 28

“Investigation into the torture of female protesters and taking corrective actions”
This was pledged by the ruling military council on 28 March in reference to the events of 9 March when the sit-in at Tahrir Square was dispersed violently with reports of mass arrests and torture in the vicinity of the Egyptian Museum. The "torture" also refers to the virginity tests done on females as reported and documented by El-Nadeem Centre for Victims of Torture, Amnesty International, The Washington Post and CNN. To date, none of the officers involved have been held accountable, which adds this to the list of promises broken by the ruling military council.
Status: Broken; Source Communiqué 29

“Military trials only used for acts of thuggery”
This promise, while implicit in many of the media releases, was explicitly stated on 28 March in Communiqué 30 while ordering the release of artist Amr Eissa. Yet many have been arrested and referred to military courts without any adequate evidence and have been proven not to be thugs. The fact that activists have been referred to military trials before and after the communiqué is strong proof that this promise has been broken.
Status: Broken; Source Communiqués 30, 68

“Bring those involved in corruption and killers of protesters quickly to justice, return stolen wealth, and equality of citizens before the law”
On 2 April, the armed forces pledged to treat citizens on the basis of equality and promised quick justice. Yet protesters alleged to be "thugs" were tried swiftly in military courts while members of the old regime and killers of protesters were given slow civilian trials. Justice was postponed indefinitely for most of the cases, including the murder of prisoners during the 10 days from 28 January. No serious steps have been taken to retrieve any Egyptian money abroad.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 31

“Investigate Zamalek vs African Club match events”
On a side note, the military council issued vowed to investigate the events of the match between Egypt’s Zamalek club and Tunisia’s African Club where riots took place after Zamalek’s defeat. We have yet to hear the results of these investigations.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 32

“Egyptian media has the complete freedom to discuss any topic; the military never interferes”
On 27 April, the military council claimed that the Egyptian media has complete freedom to discuss whatever topic it chooses. This came at a time after a note had been circulated to all media outlets by General Ismail Etman of SCAF dated 22 March asking them not to publish anything related to the army without approval. This also comes at a time when an on-air programme with presidential candidate Bothaina Kamel was ordered to end prematurely only a few days after the communiqué had been issued. Combined with the summoning of media personnel for questioning, such as activist Hossam El-Hamalawy, TV presenter Reem Maged and journalist Rasha Azab for statements made on television and in the press, this statement becomes one of the most prominent promises broken by the ruling military council.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 42

“Egyptians abroad to vote in next elections”
This is unfulfilled rather than broken, not because we can determine whether it will happen or not, but because no steps have been publicised revealing that the mechanism will be put in place, especially in absence of an electronic voting system. Until we learn more about plans to implement such a promise, this remains an unfulfilled promise.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source Communiqué 49

“Retry all youth subjected to military trials”
On 13 May the military council promised to retry all revolutionary youth, especially those arrested during the months of March and April. A part of this promise has been fulfilled as a direct result of other communiqués. Although a great part of the prisoners arrested on 9 March were released on 18 May, the promise leaves much to be desired. There are over 12,000 civilians tried in military courts. The court conditions have not guaranteed any fairness and despite the promise of this communiqué, many remain in military prisons until today.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 50

“Investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry”
Ramy Fakhry was a 27-year-old Coptic electrical engineer who was allegedly killed by the army on his way to work on 13 May 2011. Despite the promise to investigate his death, we have yet to hear the results of the investigation.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source Communiqué 53

“Take the side of the revolutionary youth”
The army has stated that it has taken the side of the revolution and revolutionary youth. Communiqué 69, however, accuses the 6 April Movement of creating a rift between the army and the people. The accusations are devoid of substance, while allegations of foreign funding were used as means to defame the group. Meanwhile, it is known that SCAF accepts foreign funds from numerous sources, including the US. If the 6 April Movement was acting against the best interests of the country, the military should have come forward with evidence. If not, do these accusations not cast doubt on claims that the military has indeed taken the side of the revolutionary youth?
Status: Unknown; Source: Media releases and numerous communiqués

Source: Ahram Online

More Conspiracy Theories

2011-08-17T17:33:00.000-07:00

The most worrying thing about Amr Mostafa isn’t what he says, but that there are numerous others just like him. I stumbled across this blog post. Believe it or not, this person has a decent job and is considered educated. Can you imagine how many others are out there? These are the literate people.

Here is a short summary for those who don’t know Arabic and don’t want to be bothered going to google translate, or don’t want to be infuriated. This s a fictional scenario where the owner of the blog imagines meeting some revolutionary friend and opens his mind to the conspiracy theory that the US, Israel and Iran are behind the revolution together with Iran and Israel. He describes revolutionaries as marionettes whose strings are being pulled by foreign agendas. To top this off, he claims that revolutionaries are the ones who killed other protesters and police officers and they are the ones that should be tried.

The trouble with the post is that it is so pompous and arrogant, and makes the ignorance all the more painful.

To recap, Israel, Iran and the United States all agreed together that the one thing they needed to do was create a revolution. The US backed 6 of April movement and Iran backed the Muslim Brotherhood. Iran, we can understand, but the US and Israel?

So, they gave up their greatest ally, Mubarak, because ... he wasn't giving them gas? or because he wasn’t contributing to the Gaza blockade? Or because he was making sure Egypt never does what America tells it to do? Or maybe because we were very advanced in technology and intel and Microsoft were threatened? Or maybe because everyone is jealous of Egypt?

These Americans must be stupid to agree with the Iranians, their sworn enemy to remove Mubarak, their greatest treasure.

Also, the mathematics is brilliant, while the Muslim Brotherhood could only afford mass protests for one day costing them millions, the US, besides funding the dictatorship has lots of billions to spare to work AGAINST the regime they’re supporting... Not to mention Iran who have little to spare anyway, and Israel who just doesn’t want free gas anymore

Oh America, it really is a land of opportunity, funding governments and protests against it. I'm glad the April 6 guys extorted them.

So the whole revolution was their making, right? They're very clever you know, they killed Khaled Said, forged the forensic reports and insisted that his killers not be tried for murder. They also forged elections as part of the plan to infuriate people. They also put snipers up on rooftops and they were dressed in army clothes that did virginity checks on 19 women and tortured numerous others. They were also in charge of the church bombings of Alexandria on New Year’s and they caused the mass protests against that in Shubra, Mansheyet Nasser and near Maspero.

Our government on the other hand, didn't deserve to be pushed out, because it didn't do anything. However some might argue that being incompetent enough to allow ALL of that to happen is reason enough, but no… we’re the marionettes not those taking billions of dollars of funding from the US.

Israel infiltrated our policemen too, they sent in the camels, horses, snipers and thugs and we're all marionettes playing to their tune… even our government. Our government tried to warn us you know, telling us these attacks were coming. They couldn’t fend off the Israeli spies on Camels though, that’s why our beloved army was ordered not to interfere.

Sometimes I wonder how stupid one has to be not to actually believe this nonsense. I’m an advocate of engaging people with a different point of view and I generally have the patience to hear it out and see things differently. But with such level of insipidness how does one even start? I draw the line when someone is unable to recognize a contradiction, or admit it to themselves.

He Who Wins the War

2011-08-13T16:06:00.000-07:00

History has a way of changing over time. By the time historians are done with it, it may hardly resemble what really happened. This is not the case for all of history, but perhaps when there is a battle of sorts. The history of our revolution will be written largely depending on the outcome of this war, which we have not yet won.

It has taken the regime six months to recover from the devastating blow delivered by the people in the Jan 25 revolution. It was knocked down but not knocked out. It’s up again with full force, responding to our earlier blow. Make no mistake, the SCAF is the backbone of the corrupt regime we continue to live with today.

Past regime figures are re-emerging, telling us false tales of what we saw unfold before our eyes. Figures like Osama Saray, the editor and chief of the venomous Ahram, are emerging to tell us fantasies of what they did during the revolution. Hossam Badrawy, briefly head of NDP, is emerging to give us a dramatization of the last days of Mubarak. State Security is working full throttle too. The amount of videos defaming activists and the revolution are increasingly worrying. The media is full of falsified facts accusing April 6 Movement , revolutionaries are being tried in military courts, and there are no signs that the rulers are in any way supporting the values of the revolution.

It has taken the regime six months to come up with its version of the truth. Now it’s trying to sell it to Egyptians once again, trying to tell them that what they saw wasn’t true. They’re back there, playing victim. No, it was some foreign hand, they tell us, that caused the revolution as if we had nothing to complain about before it, as though the foreign hands were in charge of corruption, murder and misinformation. They’re trying to tell us that some unknown elements killed protesters, as though Khaled Said wasn’t killed at the hand of the police force, as if the forensic reports were not forged to get the culprits off the hook. They’re trying to tell us Mubarak was in the dark, as if he were not a dictator who ripped the country apart and deprived us of our freedoms.

They’re trying to retell the story we just told. They’re trying to take away our victories, as though we’re not entitled to even that. They even want to deprive us of the place that symbolized the collapse of their leader and our dictator. They’re trying to take back everything we gained through truth with their lies.

The good news is that we’re fighting back and we’re writing our own history. We hold some ground despite some defeats. We’re still hanging in there. The bad news is that they might succeed in the end. Remember how Mohamed Naguib was erased from history books? Remember how Nasser was glorified? Remember how King Farouk was defamed?

The regime might succeed because they control the tools necessary for writing history. They control media, state TV, weapons, books and they have all sorts of powers. We, on the other hand, possess only the truth. But the truth isn’t always enough. The truth needs the tools, needs the medium and it needs belief.

Our truth will be buried if we do not fight for it. It seems that those we aimed to bring down are taking credit for the revolution today. They remain at their posts and pretending they revolted against corruption and injustice. We have no choice to win, because as the saying goes, “He who wins the war, writes the history."

Why Next Elections Won't Matter

2011-08-05T15:20:00.000-07:00

At what point exactly did the revolution become about elections? What started out as a call for freedom, justice, dignity and economic reform is transformed into calls for elections and nothing else. The most common rhetoric goes something like, “Now we’ll have elections and we’ll get the democracy you asked for, what more do you want?”

But our calls weren’t for elections, they were for democracy and there’s a big difference. Democracy is a way of life, not an action performed once every five years. The answer to my first question: the point at which the revolution became about elections is when we thought we had successfully brought down there regime. The talk became about elections because we thought we had brought down injustice, tyranny, thuggery and gave value to the Egyptian’s dignity. The idea was that there were no more such battles to fight (not so vehemently anyway) and that the military was just an interim ruler with no hidden agenda.

It follows that if we have not successfully changed the regime, elections will not guarantee democracy, because they never have. Where have the elections of the old regime got us?

One then must establish that the regime is still intact. It seems such a claim hardly need establishment, but for the sake of argument, let’s assume the regime has changed. What are the characteristics of the new regime? How does it differ from the old? Will the changes or similarities guarantee democracy or at the very least free and fair elections?

The old regime manipulated state media to spread venomous lies. They censored television programs and newspapers and used their security apparatus to clamp down on anyone trying to disseminate information that threatens the regime. Currently all media is monitored by the current rulers. Anything that may portray these rulers as they truly are is punished, banned or reprimanded. In the event of news that incriminates the army, the presenters are summoned for questioning. How could there be free and fair elections when lies propagated in state media are so predominant? How will Egyptians be informed when rulers are creating news to match their objectives?

The old regime clamped down on protests whenever people called for their rights. They made arbitrary arrests through the use of plain clothed thugs and held people in prison without trail under the emergency law. Not only did one experience injustice but one was not allowed to even object to it. There was a constant violation of human rights in all forms. The current regime has gone even further by criminalizing protests. They have arrested protesters and illegally tried close to 10,000 in military courts without a fair trial in just six months. The sentences handed out were up to 15 years. They have tortured protesters and performed virginity tests on female protesters (a form of torture) and have not been held accountable. At the time of writing, CSF and military forces are banning entry to Tahrir, ensuring that the human right of freedom of assembly is violated.

The old regime relied on thugs to intimidate and hurt voters and citizens. They always had the backing of a political party that claims the governing of the country is impeccable. Other puppet opposition gave legitimacy to the corrupt state.

The events of Abbaseya on 23 July prove without doubt that the rulers are willing to hire more thugs than ever before and even protect them with our armed forces and central security forces. In addition, they created a new way of recruiting citizens to do their dirty work. They spread rumors about unarmed protesters inciting citizens to hurt them or even kill them. These injustices and violations have the support of the foremost, most organized political party today, the Muslim Brotherhood, along with other factions such as Salafis and old opposition. How can we not expect thuggery and intimidation during elections?

It seems to me that the current regime is more brutal than the previous regime, if not a vicious mutation or extension. So how is this regime really any different from the former and what evidence is there that supports the claim that the next elections are guaranteed to lead us to democracy or at the very least be free and fair? (Don’t tell me the people)

That is why elections won’t matter. It’s the same system with different players and new labels. If we don’t fight for democracy, elections won’t mean a thing.

Mubarak’s Trial – Never Lose Heart

2011-08-04T07:07:00.000-07:00

Seeing Mubarak in a cage, being tried through the will of the people is one of the greatest testimonies to the revolution. Only the most ardent of skeptics could claim that Mubarak would have showed up in court on 3 August if it wasn’t for the 8 July sit-in. It wasn’t the Islamists who came out on a very short burst and went back home before the day’s end, it wasn’t the SCAF who has unjustly tried over 10,000 people in military courts, it wasn’t the passive people who did nothing but criticize. They were the brave protesters of the July 8 sit-in. This is a great triumph for protesters in the face of adversity from the most powerful people in the country.

Before seeing Mubarak in court, I hadn’t really cared for what would become of this farcical trial, but then it hit me. We did it; we forced a tyrant into court despite being surrounded with his own people. We fought our way through traps and snares to come out on top.

I am still certain that the SCAF has no real intention of brining Mubarak to justice and when the pressure eases, they’ll go back to their old tricks. But we have forced them into this, they can pretend all they want that it isn’t real or that they’re in control, but part of it will always be real. They are now performing to please the crowd. No matter what happens afterwards, we brought a president we deposed to court and we demanded justice. This can’t be taken from us.

I must confess the events of the past few days wore me down. I was inclined to let it all go and try the all-comforting blindness of denial. I too can ignore the facts or fit them to my conclusions. I too can fain superiority and pretend to be above it all because both sides are mistaken. I too can condemn without knowing, can pick up and drive to the North coast and pretend that what I believe about the matter doesn’t matter.

My deep sorrow resulted from grave injustices experienced around us. It was exacerbated by the smear campaign against the sit-in and protesters. The large show of muscle by Islamists on Friday 29 July, and people’s insistence on not seeing it for what it is, troubled me. I sincerely believed in the 8 July sit-in and felt the demands were necessary to move forward. We were accused, defamed and degraded by people around us. To make matters worse, people cheered as Tahrir square was violently evacuated.

At the height of my temptation, I was reminded by a friend what it means to hold on. Without him even knowing how I felt, he sent me a message encouraging me to endure. I was reminded how much comfort I felt being around like minded individuals who held on to the closest thing possible to the truth. I was reminded of the sorrow that fills me when someone gives up on it.

The July 8 sit-in triumphed. It brought Mubarak to Cairo in a cage, it pressured the SCAF not to try the protesters it violently evacuated in a military court, it took the moral high ground. At a time when citizens were calling for execution of protesters, the protesters called for fair trials of their oppressors. The difference between citizens and protesters they were mad at was that citizens want selfish forms of justice while protesters want justice for all. At a time when the SCAF were spreading rumors about 6 April and protesters peacefully heading to the Ministry of Defense, the protesters spoke the truth and courageously soldiered on into the venomous trap set up by the SCAF, the police and armed thugs. The protesters proved beyond a doubt they are the better people, not those of the police, not those of the armed forces and not those who do nothing but criticize.

If there is one thing I must constantly remind myself of, it’s to choose the right side, not necessarily the winning side. There are far too many people around us that need us to keep the faith and never lose heart. There are so many strangers that are closer to us than people we see every day. We need to hold on to what we feel is right for one another. We must stand for justice when we can, because when injustice catches up with us, others will stand up for us too. We’re in troubling times when things too quickly get too dark, but no matter what, never lose heart.

The Great Divide

2011-08-01T15:38:00.000-07:00

Instead of ranting on about things we don’t know, I’ll list the things we do. There is a great divide within Egypt. The truth is bitter. We’re in the same dictatorship, the Islamic factions are on the rise, people are sedated and revolutionaries are alone yet again. Tahrir has replaced the steps of the journalist syndicate, where a few warriors soldier on and the rest of the people are oblivious to what is truly happening.

People are tired; they’ve been dragged into a revolution they could have done without and with the heat, and with Ramadan, the situation has become unbearable. The businessmen are sick of not doing real business, they’re in limbo. If it’s a free market economy, so be it, if it’s a dictatorship, they need to know who’s running the show so they get down to business. The Copts resent the revolution because the Islamists are gaining ground. The Muslims aegypt, life, politicsre sick of what’s become of the revolution because it slows down Islamists from coming to power.

The liberals and the leftists want real change and policies that will ensure a democratic process and they are hoping for education to enlighten the people politically. The Islamists are happy to use religion as a political tool to mobilize masses. The SCAF is happy to let the whole thing burn as long as the pay off from Washington to protect Israel’s interests does not stop.

This is a great part of the truth, but the divide does not come from the truth, but from denial. There is a denial that prevents real unity. It is those little things around the truth such as intentions and interpretations that are causing the great divide.

Let me start with the revolutionaries, as others will take more offence to what I will be pointing out. Public support and international pressure is what aids a sit-in or protest. Without these, there is no winning, especially when up against an army of sinister men. There is great value in resilience, but the environment has to be conducive to this resilience. The lies of State TV work and Egyptians are alienated because of their lack of political foresight.

As for the masses, almost everyone knows that the sit-in that started on 8 July has nothing to do with security or our economy, yet many delude themselves into thinking that people there are spies, take money and are the cause of the economic problem. They are in denial that the SCAF is punishing Egyptians for the sit-in and that the regime we aimed to bring down is still alive.

Many of the moderate Muslims are in denial that the so called ‘Islamists’ are no representatives of Islam at all. Islamists have proven aggressive, deceitful and have a history of back stabbing anyone they’ve made a deal with. Many tend to forget that the Muslim Brotherhood sold out the Egyptian people to the English back in the day. They tend to forget that Islamic groups pick up arms in order to control other people’s lives. They tend to imagine that a few hundred thousand showed up at different cities at the same time, shouting the same slogans in defiance to prior agreement and left at the same time without it being orchestrated.

The Islamic groups being hunted down for ages and imprisoned are in denial that they are supporting the same injustices inflicted upon them. They hail the military ruler whose unjust sentences destroyed the lives of at least 7000 Egyptians from 28 Jan to date.

So much more denied, so much more. That is the real reason of the divide. It’s easy to listen to State TV and get the simple convenient lie that everything is fixed. It’s so much easier than finding out the troubling truth by reading between the lines and asking the right questions. It’s much easier to believe that the coming elections will be fair without any real evidence than to imagine the day where everything is bought and rigged again. It’s much easier to believe that our protectors are really protecting us than to believe that we’re being betrayed by corrupt men in uniforms.

It’s much easier to believe that those who were hurt deserved it and that it could never happen to you. It’s much easier to believe that you would now be respected in a country that robbed you of dignity, than think that you’re a voice that they want silenced if you speak the truth. It’s easier to believe that others don’t understand things the way you do, and that they’re deluded by one thing or another than it is to carefully examine all the facts and really listen to what others have to say.

It’s easy to have beliefs that oversimplify the truth and put your mind to rest, but the easiest of them all is to believe that it’s not your battle, that your choices will not make a difference; that they will do whatever they want anyway. The easiest thing is to believe that speaking up will not change a thing, and that it’s someone else’s responsibility to make things right.

A Momentary Relapse of Values

2011-07-26T17:14:00.000-07:00

Where we go from here depends on how much we believe in the values we preach. Despite the values we adopted for a brief period of time during the 18 days that overthrew Mubarak, we relapsed into a state similar to that we've been in over the course of the past decades. The state I'm referring to is a combination of denial, ignorance, fear and apathy.

These elements are intricately linked in a loop. They feed off each other and one has to wonder what it would take to break this cycle. State media and other news sources are spreading lies which leads to ignorance, but that of itself is not enough. Denial must exist in order for you to act against every logical bone in your body that tells you not to believe state media that is well known for lying. Denial comes from fear; fear of authority, fear of a uniform, fear of the future, fear for safety, fear of change. In a country that has been at a stand still for decades, change may be more frightening than one would expect. And because the truth lingers in the background and seeps in, apathy is there to fend off any impulse to act against injustice.

The cycle needs to be broken, but what was it that brought about such a relapse after a miraculous awakening of dead Egyptians? The biggest change since the fall of Mubarak was the absence of the face of the smug leader smiling as his people suffered. The bitterness of thirty years directed at that face. Many may have went out with a pretense of scorn against injustice, but in reality the matters had become a personal matter between them and Mubarak. That is why many Egyptians will not speak up today against injustice. Those who opposed Mubarak during the 18 days before his fall and do not speak up against the SCAF injustices never really stood for something, it was always a personal vendetta between them and Mubarak.*

Egyptians have reverted to the same signature shortsightedness that haunted them throughout these years. The main question is 'How will this affect me?'. The self serving attitude is the norm that has simplified life for Egyptians over the years. That's not to say there aren't other flavors and reasons as to why Egyptians have backed down. There are those who firmly believe in the wisdom of their choice of silence. Many believe that things are not what they appear and numerous others are deceived by what the regime wants them to see.

It is saddening that protesters are more respected in the free world than they are in their own country. In the 18 days the international pressure to respect revolutionaries forced the couch party and other apathetic Egyptians to respect those calling for change. That pressure is now relieved by the lack of international media coverage and Egyptians are free to despise their proud countrymen.

Effectively, it comes down to values. Do the majority of Egyptians believe injustice to be unacceptable only when inflicted upon them personally or when inflicted upon just anyone? The answer to that will determine how we move forward or whether we move at all. Injustices must be taken personally, but not only when inflicted upon our person, otherwise, we have no hope of escaping failure at merely being human.

The Battle of Abbaseya

2011-07-23T18:45:00.000-07:00

Something about this protest in particular reminds me of the protest against the murder of Khaled Said last year. The protest that objected to the brutality and impunity of Egyptian police was met with brutality. The message was clear, we can do whatever we want. In essence the protest of 23rd of July was similar. We went out to protest against the SCAF’s lies and dirty tactics and we were met with lies and dirty tactics.

The march started to Abbaseya a little after four in order protest in front of the Ministry of Defense. The weather had become more bearable and became much cooler along the way. What started out as a thousand protesters quickly grew to a little over three thousand as we marched on. The march was reminiscent of 28 January, and we called on to people to join us. This time it was different. Some people supported the march and others did not. The further we went from Tahrir, the more the people’s aggression towards us became palpable.

We arrived to the end of our road, blocked off by the military at the Mosque just before the bridge that takes you to Salah Salem road. It started out well, we were chanting against the SCAF and we were expressing our disappointment in a ruling council that had betrayed the people. Ten minutes had passed when the first clashes erupted from a side street near where the army troops were standing. The exchange of stone throwing commenced and from then on it was a disaster.

The military, being chanted against was happy to see rocks and glass flying at protesters from all sides. The protesters tried to escape but the stone throwing would not stop. The protesters fought back, but all too feebly. As time progressed they fought some more, but all exists were blocked either by the military or by men armed with rocks, Molotov cocktails and swords.

The military fired rounds in the air, but there was nowhere to escape to. The protesters were stuck between the military and hostile men who would not stop their aggression. As time passed by, there was shotgun fire, but the injuries from all the stone throwing were numerous. Every minute a protester was rushed in to the faculty of medicine close to fighting area.

It was difficult to find a spot where rocks were not being thrown. They came from all sides. They came from the top of the buildings along with Molotov cocktails all across the thin strip where protesters resided. They were hard to avoid and there was a consistent sense of danger.

The mosque was locked and would not let protesters in. There were army personnel inside the mosque. The protesters broke down the iron gate of the mosque that kept the protesters cordoned and created an exit.

At long last the Central Security Forces (CSF) appeared from behind the Molotov throwing aggressors and fired their long range tear gas canisters, upon which numerous protesters rushed out through the safe exit through the mosque gates into a safer street at the back.

On the way back, residents were accusing protesters of being spies and one of the bloggers Amr Gharbeya was kidnapped. He was accused of being part of the 6 of April movement which has been dubbed an enemy by the SCAF.

This is a brief recap of the events but they don’t do it any justice. In fact, there was no justice on that day. The protesters were trapped and the army and the violent antagonists were prepared for such a confrontation. The SCAF had already prepared the scapegoat, the 6 of April movement. People in the neighborhood were deluded into thinking the protesters aimed to burn down the Ministry of Defense.

There was so much blood. There were scores of protesters being rushed out of the battle front in order to get treatment with mostly bleeding heads. The people throwing rocks back were defending everyone else against a gruesome attack. The military stood idly, proud that the plan had worked. Protesters were no longer concerned with getting to the Ministry of Defense, they were concerned with their own survival. We walked through protesters with many injuries, but with even more determination. There was tension in the air, and a sadness that so much violence would occur for no reason.

It’s a hard truth to swallow that the army is currently betraying the people. No one is convinced. The Muslim Brotherhood are happy to condone injustice as long as their elections are not touched. The couch party does not care if we achieve stability through colonization. The rest of the regime are happy to spread lies so that they continue to thrive. Most people are too lazy to think. They don’t even ask themselves the expected questions. Why would the army not stop violence? Why was there nothing thrown at the army? Why did the army trap the people and not let them escape? But no, these questions are too much of an effort for most.

One of these days the foolish lazy people who do not even apply logic to the insanely naïve statements given by the SCAF will realize that they handed their lives and their dignity to an oppressor on a silver plate.

Those who went out in the first 18 days and do not understand what is going on today have forgotten why we went out in the first place. It was never about elections, we've always had elections. It was never about government, we've always had a government. It was about dignity, and we never had dignity. We still don't and that's why giving us all else but that will not console us.

We are the People

2011-07-14T13:21:00.001-07:00

The bravery, resilience, valor and persistence expressed by people all over Egypt to fight injustice brings the cynic in me to his knees. The events around me have come to challenge my thoughts and perceptions ever so strongly.

We often times forget that those who shout out orders over their phones and their wireless radio and command people left and right are merely human. It is only chance that gave them the power they have over others. We forgot the most important lesson of humanity, and that is that we’re all human. We need to belong to others like us. Often times we are blinded by the company we keep. It is dangerous to believe that the power we have comes from any form of superiority.

We are the people. The world was made for us. Countries were made for us. We have to ensure that we could all enjoy this world.

I look at old people and I’m haunted by a recurring thought. Could they have been somebody else? I look at an old man, who can barely make a living, toiling all day for a few pennies. He could have been somebody, you know. He could have been a manager in a big firm. He could have been an army general. He could have been a successful doctor, lawyer or an engineer. But fate has led him to where he is at today, and not necessarily because he is incompetent or unintelligent, but because the world we live in does not offer us that many chances.

I look at other old men in power; some of them important because they possess wisdom and others because they have had an opportunity to be in a position of power. Do they not think of themselves when they see other men who toil all day? Do they not think that it could have been them?

The world is hard enough as it is without an oppressive government that butchers the few chances that a good life may offer. I’m not calling for all people to be important. I’m not calling for everyone to be successful. I’m just calling for a chance for everyone to know what they’re made of, to be all they can be. Is that too much to ask?

We sometimes forget that men shouting orders are just men. They’re humans who have been given an opportunity to rule over others. The military governing Egypt at this time didn't get power over people through their intelligence, or competence or even by exercising force. They tried to shoot us, but it didn’t work. The military got their power by lying. Who are they to change the lives of millions? Is that worthy of any respect? Not to me. They are just people. I did not choose them to be my masters. They were afraid of us, and in order to overcome their fear, they decided to rule us.

I always wondered, what gives a man the right to take away another's life. Who are you to sentence someone innocent to 15 years in prison and completely destroy his life without a fair trial? Who are you to ruin those numerous seconds, hours and days where that person could have made a good life.The people sentenced to prison aren't a menace to society, those sentencing them are.

The main reason I want those false rulers out is because I’m fighting for a chance that I think most of us deserve. I’m fighting not for a better life for each of us, but for a chance of a better life. I’m fighting so that each of us gets that chance to be all they can be.

Now if you choose to do nothing, it’s your choice. If nothing is achieved at all, it should be our choice. But a few non select humans should not be in charge of decimating our hopes and dreams.

We’ve been in these chains for so long, that many feel as if they were part of their clothing. They believe that we should obey those who have cheated us out of our God given rights. Power is given to tyrants by people who accept the status quo. We need to remember that it’s not about them, it’s about us. They should join our ranks, we shouldn’t shrivel because of theirs. We are the people and it’s our right to demand a chance of a better life. It’s our children’s right to come into a world that fights for their chance to be all they can be. We are the people and we have to choose who we give the power to. Not liars, not thieves and not men in uniform who think they can scold us because they’re wiser.

The world is not idealistic, and we may win or lose this fight. I won’t pretend I have the answers, but I know one thing: we’ve been given a chance right here and right now to be all we can be. We can choose to make a difference. We can choose to use that chance. For the first time in ages we’ve been given this opportunity and it seems so unreal. It isn’t though, it’s a real as gets, the rest of life is what we’ve been conditioned to think. We are the people and even though we’ve always deserved this opportunity, we’ve had to work so hard to get it. We are the people and we deserve so much more than we’ve been given. We are the people and we’ve been given a chance. We can choose now to grow old and senile, or we can choose to grow old and wise.

Inside Story - Egypt: democracy in danger?

2011-07-11T01:23:00.000-07:00

July 8 was more than just another protest. It was a message from the Egyptian people to the ruling military council that the old ways don't work anymore. This is my interview with Aljazeera English on inside story where I've tried to express the state of affairs at the time.

The Show Won’t Go On

2011-07-05T14:19:00.000-07:00

The show’s over folks. There will be no more of that same old charade of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) playing good guy anymore. There will be no more acts in that play where they pretend to support the revolution. Things are back to normal. Corrupt officials and mass murderers are being released in anticipation of July 8. After all, the old regime has to face the people with all its strength.

The army is being lead by a group of sinister men. They are worse than Mubarak, and they’re willing to do anything to stay in power and protect their friends. The revolution isn’t yet to be celebrated no matter what Egyptian state TV says. The revolution continues to fight against injustice.

The real danger of the couch party is that it raises doubts about the realities that citizen journalist experience and convey to the public. Their main source of information is the state TV and the official press releases. These are mostly lies. Even those who read will be surrounded by lies from Ahram, Akhbar, Al Yom El Sabe3 and Al Wafd. The danger is that they hinder the collective consciousness of the Egyptian people that led to this revolution.

It has become apparent that it is futile to argue with the couch party, firstly because they will waste a lot of energy, but more importantly because they will not go out into the streets no matter what the circumstances. They only talk about politics because of the pressure to say something and adopt a point of view. In the end, the best way is to allow them to examine the evidence. Most of them are apathetic at heart, and they’re angry at something they don’t really know and so they blame the revolution.

The reason this is difficult is because we are dealing with the most powerful men in the country. They are rich and they command an army. Going up against them seems to be a losing battle. But it’s not the army we’re against, but the SCAF. How can we go up against these tyrants and win?

I don’t have an answer as to how we can do it, but I know why we can. The most important belief is that we’re right, that’s all we need. Fighting for what’s right must be worth something. David can take down Goliath. We have to believe that we can win with truth on our side. We have to believe that we can win when we’re fighting for justice. It doesn’t matter how it’s going to happen, the chance will come if we hold our ground.

We’re halfway there, and ahead of us lay two paths, one of a complete dictatorship or one of freedom. We can’t go back now, not after experiencing a taste of it, not after knowing how powerful we are and what we can achieve.

The More Things Change

2011-06-29T04:39:00.000-07:00

It’s back again with all the violence, injustice and misinformation. One has to wonder, was it ever gone? The beast lay dormant in its cave waiting for the wounds to heal and now it strikes again.

Everything’s the same.

The events of yesterday prove beyond a doubt that we’re back to where we started. The families of martyrs are being punished for demanding justice. In this country we live in, there can be no justice and to demand it is close to blasphemous. Military personnel are infuriated by the word because they simply don’t believe in it. The police forces are crazed with madness when it is demanded because they are incapable of providing it. All the regime knows how to do is violence, and they’re doing it again.

What started out as hundreds of protesters turned into thousands as hundreds of people and activists rushed to the square. The scene was reminiscent of the night of 25 January when police forces violently evacuated the square. Going through to morning it is more reminiscent of 28 of January as police insists on clashing with protesters and using violence against them.

New tear gas canisters freshly imported from the US have been used this time. They’re smaller, not expired and with a very long range. It seems hypocritical of the US to reprimand violence against protesters and yet continue to supply the corrupt regime with ways to subdue them. You can tell from Obama’s face during his speech that he was sad at the loss of an ally like Mubarak, despite his well chosen words.

Everything’s the same.

The media is back to its dirty tricks. Lies are propagated by the Prime Minister and the Minister of Interior. The police are hiring thugs to do their dirty work.

There were thugs in the square as the media claimed, but they were dressed in police uniform. The faces are of those who were in the revolution and I know for certain that I felt no danger from them. The real danger came from the police who do not show any signs of change.

The military try to play good cop, but it’s getting too old. Good cop, bad cop won’t work if you show no signs of fairness and if your actions don’t match your words.

People were attacked and abused and battered but they remained resilient. That is the one difference between last night and the night of Jan 25 is that people stood their ground. The fear had gone.

I guess I was wrong earlier, not everything’s the same. People have changed.

#NoSCAF

2011-06-23T03:52:00.000-07:00

(The Mask of Freedom -Regards from SCAF to the children of our beloved nation)

It is no secret that I’m vehemently opposed to the Supreme Council of Armed Forces ruling the country. The numerous issues I have with SCAF are rather objective but I would be lying if I said these issues weren’t personal. The reason they can’t not be personal is because I am an Egyptian citizen and I take injustice inflicted upon Egyptians personally now. I take injustice inflicted about those who stand for what I stand for personally. So when men are tortured for protesting and women are subjected to virginity tests, I take it personally as we all should. It is our apathy that led us here in the first place and such apathy must stop. We must learn that injustices upon others that take place unchecked will eventually end up hurting us or someone we care for.

How can we condone tyrants, murderers and criminals? You say that we’re not, but our silence in the face of injustice makes us complicit in such troubled times. To be afraid of the consequences of facing the truth is deplorable. To delude ourselves into thinking that our fight for justice is over in 18 days is unacceptable.

For those seeking objectivity, I advise them to do a practical exercise: Go through all the communiqués delivered by SCAF and highlight the promises made and compare them to what has been done. I don’t mean started and I don’t mean about to start, I mean done as in completely scraped off that long list of promises. The number of unfulfilled promises is overwhelming, including things that could be done within hours of the communiqué like retrying some of the prisoners or pursuing the corrupt.

How is SCAF different to the previous government of broken promises? They were handed power by a trusting people only to abuse it and pretend the revolution was theirs to claim. They were never with the revolution. Not shooting protesters when they are in large numbers is not enough of an accomplishment. They have hurt smaller numbers when they knew they could do so without defeat. They have arrested protesters and tortured them when there were no great numbers to resist their arrest. They have sentenced innocents to military prison in a matter of hours when there were no lawyers to defend them. How are they different to the previous regime I entreat you.

The first thing we need to see is that Mubarak is still alive through SCAF. When we went out against Mubarak it wasn’t against his person, but his practices. No one was able to speak up against Mubarak when he was in power. No one is allowed to speak up against SCAF now that they are in power. How different are the SCAF practices to Mubarak’s? All we hear are unfulfilled words and statements that conflict with eye witness accounts.

I remember hearing Tharwat Badawy on television once saying that no one who ever comes to power ever relinquishes it. I strongly believe that this is true except for a few rare exceptions, but these men are no exception. They are men hired by Mubarak and he taught them all the tricks. If the SCAF were ready to show a sign of good will, they would have shared some of the power with civilians and yet to date, no civilian was involved in any decision regarding the fate of the nation.

Everything we took, we took by force and none of the promises they made voluntarily were truly fulfilled. They have given us as much freedom as we were willing to take by force, and have ordered a media blackout. The few rights we fought for will slowly be reclaimed, for they see us as petty slaves and view themselves as our masters.

It takes a blind person not to see this, and yet many are still blind. Yet it is the blind who are content with the abyss. I would rather be dragged there than willfully plummet.

Sexual Harassment

2011-06-20T08:04:00.000-07:00

It's repetitive and inconsequential to write a post about sexual harassment but I'm writing it anyway. I'm writing because even though this post won't change a thing, we have to keep talking. We have to keep bringing up the things we want changed until we find a way to change them. We have to keep acknowledging the problem before we know how to solve it.

I have no solutions offered in words because I know that the real solution is offered in action. Change comes first from the moments we choose to speak and then from the moments we choose to act.

The Egyptian streets are filthied with garbage, dust and dirt, but nothing on these streets is dirtier nor uglier than sexual harassment. The act of harassment is symbolic of numerous vices. The disrespect of human beings, invasion of privacy, hypocrisy and poor character. It is the greatest sign of the weakness of the male gender in today's Egypt and the resilience of women in the face of adversity.

If there is one thing I would change about Egypt, it would be sexual harassment. It threatens my freedom and fills me with shame. We have no excuse not to stand up anymore because it works. If we do it consistently enough, we would be able to greatly affect the rate at which it happens. We have many tools to help us do this. We have a revolution on our side, we have education, tazers, language but most of all, we have right on our side and that is the most powerful weapon.

Mubarak's Army

2011-06-01T20:52:00.000-07:00

The Military Council had no choice but to save its skin and pretend to be with the revolution. Any order to shoot the protesters at a time when right and wrong were so obvious in Tahrir square would have meant the end of all the benefits the military Generals were reaping. The army of Egyptians would have been split. Some would have been loyal to the Generals and some loyal to the people. In any case it would have meant the disruption of the wealthy lives of the military commanders.

We kept shouting a lie, hoping it becomes true, that the army and the people are one. They never were. The army was controlled by the SCAF and they extended their control to the minds of most Egyptians who cannot accept the reality we're faced with. It's still the game of security, that the country will collapse without the SCAF and yet it is the collapse of this nation that has risen up that they wish to achieve.

Some things have changed, the people have become more aware and more political, but our rulers have become more ruthless and intolerant. The SCAF now intimidates freedom more than the past regime. No media is allowed to speak ill of them, remind you of something? They kidnap, torture and unjustly try innocent people who have no chance of defending themselves, remind you of anything? They make promises they never keep and fill our television stations with propaganda, remind you of something?

If you're not reminded of dictatorship and tyranny, then you're blind. It's not that you're blind really, but you're closing your eyes and you do not want to see the truth of it. Today an Egyptian is defined by his defiance of injustice and if you do not want to see injustice, then you're not Egyptian. This is not the definition that hundreds upon hundreds of martyrs died for. We are rewriting this definition to stand for justice and you will not be part of of it if you close your eyes.

The evidence is out there, and clear as day light. All you need to do is open your eyes to see it. Don't rely on your hearing to detect light. Don't ask these questions like 'where is the evidence? I can't hear it'. You cannot hear light, and you cannot see sound.

We are at a crossroads. We have been resurrected after decades of death. We knew our enemy and we now know how to fight the enemy. The same enemy comes in a different uniform. We must, not only open our eyes, but raise our shields and sharpen our swords. Our enemy is tyranny and injustice, it always has been. If we cannot tell the truth, then this resurrected body will die once more, and this time we will be the murderers.

Wearing a uniform is not a good enough excuse for men to inflict injustice upon other men.

Darkness of the Mind

2011-05-09T17:51:00.000-07:00

Ignorance is a lot like darkness. It deprives us of our vision and everything we do under its influence will be an approximation of what we set out to do. We may walk and stumble and break, but it’s only after the light fills the space once more that we actually see what we’ve done, but more importantly what damage we’ve caused.

This darkness is sweeping. It is difficult to illuminate, for this darkness exists in the minds of certain people, the entrances of which have been blocked. It is difficult to access this darkness and give it light, and for that reason, what they do will cause damage.

This ignorance is the reason why sectarian clashes are at their height and why religion will continue to be a tool to manipulate people. The case of ignorance here is simple, ignorance of the other. This darkness hovers over many Muslims. They are unaware of who their Christian counterparts are, or what churches or monasteries are like, or what prayers are like. This applies not only to extremists but to moderate Muslims. The moderates, even when they do not believe in violence, will not understand that churches do not store weapons, that monasteries do not torture people. They do not have the necessary information to make these logical deductions, like monasteries do not have the man power or the time to torture anyone, or that we’ve never heard of a church fire on anyone despite the tumultuous times we’re living in.

The facts are simple and yet so unknown. The minds of the weak can be filled with any sort of object as long as there is darkness. We can fill a room with oak, mahogany, gold and gems as long as the room remains dark. We can fill the room with beasts, with swords, with weapons as long as the room remains dark. The answer is simple, light the room, but the ignorance is not as easily conquered by knowledge as darkness is by light. It may be that certain inhabitants choose to wear blindfolds, so that even when the room is lit, the blind remain blind.

We need to light the rooms and pull down the blindfolds, because there is no hope without our attempts to do so. The only weapon we may count on is the truth. We cannot play the political game of hiding the truth in order to protect, because there’s no one to protect from the truth. We are not in a position today to fight darkness with darkness. We cannot fight ignorance with ignorance.

It’s not enough for you to open your eyes today, you need to open other eyes, because in the words of Roger Waters, ‘each small candle lights a corner of the dark’.

There is too much darkness for us not to at least try and make a difference. Many have missed out on the chance to be part of a revolution which has brought us pride. It’s not too late to contribute, there are many battles to fight. Maybe spend an hour with those in Maspero, maybe talk to extremists and convince them of the truth, maybe talk to other moderates and ask them to know.

There must be something within us all to fight this darkness that has taken hold of many generations. There must be hope that those of us who care will speak out and make a difference. There must be a way to fight against the worst forms of darkness, the darkness of the mind.

In Search of Deeper Things

2011-05-01T13:49:00.000-07:00

There are parts of me that I miss. I don’t know what they are or where they’re at right now, but I do miss these parts. I wonder if they’re asleep or dead. Does it really matter? It doesn’t matter if they come to life again because I take solace in the fact that they existed once upon a time. That’s the case with all of my love, I’ve learned to be grateful for it than to regret it not having lasted. I learned to embrace a lost love than to blame it. The moments in our lives that make us feel happy are so limited, so short and yet they are the ones we should hold on to. I do hold on to them. I feel that they are like the movie version of life, they are what we count our lives to be in the edited version.

Some pain brings joy at the end, and that pain is celebrated, and remembered. For all the pain is to a joyous end. The memories I have most trouble with are the good ones that are poisoned in the finale. It is extremely unsettling to find that great moments may be turned into bitter memories that would not leave us be. It is unsettling that the love which we hold most dear can turn into a lie, and that is the worst kind of memory, when all that was good about it turns out fake.

There are many parts of me that delve deeper than what the forefront of my thoughts can bring to comprehension. My understanding of them is limited, but my feeling is not. I miss these parts the most, that take me beyond where my own conscious deliberate thoughts can. They are like fine instruments that produce sounds that my voice cannot.

I’ve read a lot recently about the meaning of life, I’ve even read two books that speak about such a topic. The phrase is appealing to the parts of me that I miss, that ponder over this question long enough to dive into its depths. I do not think I feel an urge to consider that life is meaningless, it is not. The words I write to myself give it meaning.

Much of what happens around me brings about contemplation, but it seems that it takes much for events to seep through. I was asked before if I would give up my idle abstract wonderings that I seem to be addicted to, and I answered that I would. It all seems so meaningless really, but it’s how I’m built. I feel that my thoughts are a response to this irrational need of finding deeper things even though their existence may be fictitious.

The Strategy Shift

2011-04-13T13:25:00.000-07:00

If there is a time to shift strategies for the army it would be now. Last Friday proved to the army how determined the people to see justice served. They were ready to go out every Friday and perhaps even sleep in the square formerly known as Tahrir Republic. The protests were due to the slow pace of justice that had not been served to those in charge of running the country into ruins. Many of the protests that took place after the stepping down of Mubarak was on account of the protection given to the remnants of the old regime by the army.

This protection had a cost which protesters in Tahrir paid on numerous days. The army allowed the protesters to pay it gladly when it dispersed them on 25 February and on 9 March. However, this act of itself helped only alienate people more from an army it was willing to embrace. The more time passed, the more the sense of injustice, not just because of the torture and arrests that went unpunished, but also these old grievances from the old guard who seemed to enjoy some kind of unexplainable impunity.

The protesters were not the only ones to pay the price, but the army reaped what it had sown. The revolutionary unrest spread within the ranks of the seemingly monolithic army. Army officers joined the Tahrir protests in uniform causing a great commotion on 8 April. Till now we are unsure whether those joining the protests were authentic officers in service or ex officers wearing the uniform. It didn’t matter much, because the chance that such a rift within the army’s ranks threatened the Supreme Military Council’s own existence. The army is the last standing organized institution with enough respect and enough arms to keep the country together. If some of the army were to revolt against leadership, it would mean the end of the Military Council at the very least and leave the country’s fate to unknown forces.

The military may have realized that the only way to end to the infectious revolutionary spirit that was about to infect the lower ranking officers was by giving the people what is rightfully theirs. In order to give them what is rightfully theirs, to bring NDP party members and the remnants of the old regime to justice. That also meant that they must lift the protection they had till then bestowed upon them.

In a way, the military council had to choose between its own existence and the remnants of the old regime. Perhaps this realization is the reason as to why there is a shift in strategy. Once the military had taken the decision to survive, all the remnants of the old regime had to be brought to justice.

If the army has truly realized that they cannot appease both the remnants of the old regime and the people, it would mean a shift in strategy and more decisions that make sense. The army will also try its best to erase any wrongdoings done in order to protect the corrupt. It is unlikely that the army will release the detainees however any time soon, as releasing this great number with their stories will risk more protests in Tahrir that they are finding increasingly hard to clear.

It is unclear as yet if this is the route taken by the army, or if there is something else behind the actions that have struck us with joy but have not removed all suspicion. Now is the time to wait and understand whether the measures are sincere. One thing has been proven so far, that people willing to leave their homes and take to the streets, will not be fooled.

The Perks of a Uniform

2011-04-10T16:02:00.000-07:00

Much of what I feel will have no impact on the course of matters, but I feel it anyway. The amount of adamant denial displayed by a people so desperate for a savior is beyond belief. It saddens me that people cannot see injustice even as it looks them in the eye.

I do not blame the army for protecting Mubarak, I do not blame the army for protecting Safwat, I do not blame the army for protecting Serour, I do not blame the army for keeping alive an evil that has run the country into ruins. I do blame the people who deserve to be oppressed and are oppressors themselves. They do not only want to suffer the oppression but blame anyone standing up for it. They praise the oppression if it comes in a uniform and condemn rights if it comes in civilian clothes.

The Egyptian silent majority are really ignorant, or enslaved in a form of thought that has completely weakened them. I’m sad to say that they are not in business for a fight for freedom, but they are trying as best they can to serve a slavery sentence. They have accepted their masters, the army, with open arms and complete surrender. They speak to revolutionaries as if they were slaves, but they do not realize that they are free. Yes, the slaves do not realize that the revolutionaries are free people whose fight for freedom will not be mandated by the slaves, nor by the masters.

Let’s think about the future of Egypt, they say. They remind me of Jews who resented Moses’ attempts to set them free. They blamed him for demanding their freedom.

I cannot blame them. They would rather live as slaves than die as free people. The rationalization behind their denial comes in various forms and seems to them impeccable. Yet their escape from the reality of what’s around us is saddening. They would sooner disbelieve their senses than believe something contrary to what’s in their head.

I will not claim a superiority here, I will claim that I don’t see things their way. The good intentions of the army make their actions hard to justify, but assuming a sinister intention, they become easy.

All these excuses are because the army is wearing a uniform. If other groups of people killed to their advantage, the people would be angry, but because they wear a uniform they are given excuses.

The same people who ask me to shut up about violations have once spoke of justice, of truth. Yet why is it that everyone is a bloody politician now? Why do we have to tolerate the same violence, torture and killing of the previous regime just because there’s a new face? Will it take 30 years for slaves to realize they’re enslaved?

You’re enslaved to the army now. If you believe their lies, if you believe that people don’t have the rights they were universally given. Pseudo intellectualism is more dangerous than ignorance.

At the end of the day these are just thoughts. It’s hard to convince someone that one plus one equals to two if they tell you that in the long run, we should assume it’s four. How do you argue with that?

Somewhere along the line, some will be offended. I would be too if what I read disagreed with my thoughts. But I don’t think that I can lie about my feelings so as to not lose friends. I do believe in the principle of honesty, something which others have difficulty with.

Never has standing up to something wrong been incorrect. If you want to play politics then forget values you’ve been taught. Play it dirty, and stay out of my way. I do not desire your weakness and your denial. I do not desire your immoral route to salvation.

Two Ways About It

2011-04-07T11:05:00.000-07:00

I find myself often thinking about Tahrir republic. It’s a time that I miss immensely, where childlike hopes and dreams got us together in hopes of changing a nation. Every word shouted and every stranger helped seemed vital in our steps forward towards changing what seemed unchangeable. There was strength in numbers, but there was also strength in every individual whose actions meant something. The vast beaches though are made of these tiny grains, determined to make sand what it is. These grains don’t complain about their insignificance, and even when buried under the sea, their color helps determine the reflection of the skies above.

My Tahrir nostalgia comes not from missing the place, but from missing the spirit. It’s a spirit which was crushed for ages under the weight of oppression, a spirit which was once told it would never amount to anything; that they were young and foolish, and other generations were better. That spirit brought back a rolling body from the edge of a cliff and gave it life once more. That spirit became alive when every one of us believed that the little things they do make a difference. That spirit of Tahrir faded for some time, and I look back upon it ever so lovingly, missing it.

That’s what they said, right? That people weren’t ready to accept one another. That people weren’t ready to decide amongst themselves as to what they want. What I’ve seen with my own eyes tells me different, tells me that people are willing to love one another, that people are willing to help one another, that people are willing to die for one another. The memory of what we stood for in Tahrir is ever so strong, ever so powerful, ever so compelling that I refuse to believe that it was just a shooting star.

Skeptics have compared that what happened in Tahrir to the effect of drugs that is wearing off. I don’t think I can believe that having seen what I did. I believe that what happened there was a real goodness that cannot be evoked by adding a layer of lies, but one that is uncovered by removing a layer of lies. Tahrir is the core and all else are layers of dirt.

I can see the layers of dirt covering us again, camouflaging who we truly are just like years of oppression have managed to do so. But the dirt is not enough, for our true core shines from beneath it. I do not say this now because of what I have witnessed in Tahrir, but because of what I saw even at the height of an oppressive regime. Those bursts of goodness experienced rarely but vigorously have helped me realize what we’re made of. The sedation, the drugs is what the media feeds us. The passing effects are stimulants that play on our untamed instincts. As time passes, we shake the dirt from over our heads. If anything at all, that’s what we’ve learned to do in Tahrir. We’ve learned that we can band together if we rid ourselves of dirt, we can find a genuine love to unite us more than ideologies and interpretive beliefs. We’ve learned to really enjoy the goodness we receive from strangers. We learn to want to give back to others when we realize that strangers have died for us to fight for our freedom and dignity. The least we owe them is to love one another as they have loved us. Giving our lives is not something we are willing to do, but the least we can do is give up some of our differences for a greater good.

Every time I think of Tahrir, I think about the people who were ready to help one another and die for one another. How is it that we got so divided? It doesn’t matter, the real question is how will we be united. Every time I think of Tahrir and the sacrifices made by those who had more to lose than I did, it makes any ideological subtleties insignificant. Every time I think of sacrifices, I’m willing to sacrifice something of my own.

There are two ways to think about Tahrir and where we’re heading. It’s either that Tahrir was a temporary phenomenon, a chance encounter like a stone thrown into a water, whose ripples are fading, or to think that Tahrir is who we truly are and that our petty differences are dirt following the regime’s strategy of telling us we were never worth anything.

This will always be something for each to make up their mind about. I know that what I saw from people in Tahrir could not have been an illusion. It was there and I touched it. When people bond together, that’s what’s real. Politics, money and the thirst of power that ensues isn’t, even though the world wants us to believe so.

All It Takes Is a Push

2011-04-04T15:07:00.000-07:00

Been some time since I wrote what I felt without really thinking. I don’t really know what to write though. Maybe it’s because I’m tired, and maybe it’s because I have no thoughts and maybe it’s because I cannot decipher my feelings at the moment. I’m not sure what it is, but I want to express how unsure I am of what I’m feeling.

My presence in a barren land makes my head a wasteland where no real thought or emotion would dare pass through. The thoughts are simple, the feelings are simple. Everything is simple and yet made complex by that desire of a country to be something it is not. In an attempt to race against time and to catch up with those who have journeyed before, the country has let go of all its baggage and swiftly moved forward. As it approaches the finish line it may realize that it has left everything of value behind.

I’m relatively okay. I don’t know what that’s relative to. That’s the problem with relative, is that you don’t really know what to relate to. Maybe that’s also the problem with absolute, you don’t know what to relate to.

Sometimes it feels as though there’s so much to do, but what does it all matter? It feels like there’s so little to do as well. Small acts, big acts, medium acts, they’re all part of the same coin that falls flat on one side or may fall on its edge and rest there.

It’s liberating sometimes to express these thoughts to paper, a loyal friend that has never rebuked me for any kind of ink I place upon it. The paper understands and stares back at me, even though it should not.

All it takes is a push, and you’re somewhere else. We never think of these pushes when we’re on a flat land, we think of them when we’re on an edge of sorts, either trying to go up, or trying to go down.

Somehow, something has been expressed.

Accusations and Other Stories

2011-03-26T16:40:00.000-07:00

I posted this video on posting it I explained my reason “I like the first bit showing photos of Cairo University and the evolution of dress there.”

I was surprised then by a backlash of anger from many Muslim friends who accused me of several things: spreading Islamophobia, spreading hidden message through a ‘trend’ of posts and radicalism.

The idea that posting a video can be construed as spreading Islamophobia, or have a hidden message or accusations of radicalism was shocking to me. They are three different accusations about one movie, even though my comment about what I thought was interesting about the movie was crystal clear.

I asked friends what my message was, or what was offensive about the film, but I was not given a clear answer. I was left to ponder over these reactions on my own and draw my own conclusions.

At first I thought it was intellectual terrorism, much like that of objections to any sort of accusations to the army. However I hadn’t made any accusations, so I discounted it and now I’m sure it had to be the film itself.

I have one objection about the film, the choice of music and editing while showing the contradiction between the veil and the rest of the clothing. In a way the point is driven too hard, and I prefer subtlety in films. The interesting thing about the film is that there is no narration, and all other shots taken in the film are from real life. There is something genuine about the reality portrayed in the film which I have captured with my own eyes, without making any judgments on Islamic teachings.

The objection can be to the same scene that I object to, but it can also be to the merely non Islamic point of view of presenting the culture of the Hijab. In films, you’re allowed not to cover all angles of a topic, you’re allowed a director’s eye that captures what you see.

The conclusion is that anything remotely linked to religion is taboo to talk about if religion is not exonerated. This is very worrying in my opinion because it seems that any culture permeated by religion cannot be discussed. It is at the same time worrying that this exact sentiment has been spread by the Ekhwan, saying that criticizing Ekhwan may be equivalent to criticizing Islam.

I must admit there is something even more worrying; discussions about certain topics are based on emotions, without an objective clarification as to why there are objections. The idea that people are emotionally driven is worrying for me. I too am passionate, but I would take the time to explain to my friends my point of view.

I'm Voting No

2011-03-17T17:54:00.000-07:00

I’m not out to convince anyone. It’s a little late for that. I’m not going to even try and express any logic because others have done so convincingly enough over the past few days. I’m just keeping track of how I feel.

An image saying 'No to constitutional changes' which I've come to like.

I’m voting ‘No’ because I don’t like the changes. I don’t like the plan, I don’t like the army and I don’t like the manner in which all of this was handled. The changes themselves are measly and I will never sign a document that accepts changes to this old broken down contract called the constitution. I don’t care if you’re going to draw up a new one after this. The word ‘change’, that old rotten constitution with the same crappy numbers associated and the same old articles are too disheartening.

It’s been made very clear to us that ‘Yes’ is the right answer. It’s been made clear through the media, by direct advertisement, by false information and most of all by telling us what happens next when we vote ‘Yes’. The other scenario has been kept as a mystery. We don’t know what will happen if we vote ‘No’ just like we didn’t know what would happen when Mubarak steps down, just like we didn’t know who would be appointed if Shafik steps down, just like we don’t know anything about the country’s finances.

Fear of the unknown has kept us enslaved and it seems that for many, instinct still drives them away from the unknown. In almost every fork in the road during this revolution, the unknown has led us to gains, although not always better places.

I’m voting no, knowing full well the arguments of stability, economy and time, and all of these other things that have no factual basis. We are being driven towards fear for no good reason. No one knows what tomorrow brings, not even those who are inciting these fears.

I’m voting no because I don’t trust what’s to come next. I don’t trust the candidates that will try and be elected once more and I don’t trust them to pick the people who will create the constitution for generations to come. We’ve never been given what we wanted, so why are we expecting it now?

There is one question as to why someone should vote yes or no. It’s a question of trust. Do I trust the decision makers to give me what I want without pressuring them into it or not? My answer is no, and that’s why I’m voting no. These changes aren’t enough. We are voting on who writes the constitution and who is not to be president. I don’t think that whichever parliament comes next will be honest enough to write the constitution (or pick those who write it) and I don’t think a president who comes without one is equipped to provide and approve it.

I don’t trust people, but that’s how I’ve always been. I don’t trust our media, they will never show good candidates and they haven’t changed since the revolution started. Alternative media is in an all out war with mainstream media. Truth does prevail, but it takes a bit of time even with Facebook and Twitter.

I don’t trust the army because if they had good intentions, the law allowing political parties to form would have been activated ever since they took power. Everything is done slowly and reluctantly and I doubt that any ruler gives people freedom if they don’t demand it.

On a very personal note, I cannot vote ‘yes’ while those abroad are not given an opportunity to have a say in their nation’s fate. I know that many want to vote no. More than that, I cannot vote ‘yes’ with a clear conscience while thousands of revolutionaries and heroes are missing, locked up in military prisons after being tortured by our so-called defenders. They have been deprived of their vote; of their voice and of their chance to be a part of the decision. It may seem slightly out of place to think of their vote in this referendum considering how much torture they’ve endured and their unsealed fate, but to me it this is what they are fighting for. This is exactly what they should be doing if we were truly living in a democracy. I feel a sort of treason validating a plan by an army that is torturing young men and women who made us proud as we speak. They are the ones who have put their lives on the line for us to get a chance to vote and they are the ones that should be deciding. I feel they’ve earned it, while we, from the comfort of our seats have not.

I have plenty of valid logical reasons to vote no, but they don’t seem to matter much. Reasons can be countered with facts and lies. The real reason that’s left is that it doesn’t feel right. It doesn’t feel right to have my name signed on changes to a document that has claimed the lives and livelihoods of many. I will not tell my children that I ever agreed to such horrible terms of slavery even for a day. I myself have often blamed previous generations for not standing up for what’s wrong. I see no reason to play politics and sign something I will never be able to explain to any generation to come.

I value my signature. I will not associate my name with this venomous constitution while I have a choice. I will not be complicit in signing these horrible terms even for a day and even if it’s symbolic. I’m aware that the argument for ‘yes’ is that this dreaded constitution won’t come back to life, but that’s not what the paper I’m signing is going to say. I will read the paper I’m signing and if it says constitutional changes or if it mentions the articles by their same old rotten numbers, I will most certainly vote no.

I’m voting no because I can afford to. I can afford to object to something inadequate and I can afford to aspire to idealism. I appreciate the freedom I have. It is not the one granted to me by these temporary rulers, but one that I have from within. I have an obligation to my values rather than to my fears. For the first time Egyptians have the chance to have their signature mean something. To read a document, to understand that the words mean and to make a decision that will change their lives and the lives of others.

I’m not playing politics. The truth is that I don’t need to. I don’t need to vote as though I’m leading anyone, I don’t need to vote as if my vote seals Egypt’s fate. I’m trying to answer the question at hand as best I could. Sometimes we just really need to read the question.

I’m not pretending to know what’s best for the country, I’m not playing leader, I’m not trying to be smart. I’m only trying to do what I feel is right, to answer the real question at hand.

I’m voting no.

For the State of Denial, I Recommend a Shrink

2011-03-12T04:57:00.000-08:00

"Denial is a defense mechanism postulated by Sigmund Freud, in which a person is faced with a fact that is too uncomfortable to accept and rejects it instead, insisting that it is not true despite what may be overwhelming evidence."

~Wikipedia

The naivety of those standing up for the army is infuriating. I know such words may be offensive to some, but ignorance is offensive to me. I’m not talking about ignorance of the facts, no one knows everything. I mean ignorance of how to interpret these facts.

Photo: Singer Ramy Essam's tortured back (distorted)

Why is it that Egyptians are so adamant about protecting the army? The facts don’t indicate the army’s loyalty is towards people. Are we expected to simply applaud the army for not wiping out innocent civilians? That’s all they did really. You may say it’s a big thing, but they had no choice in the matter. They do not believe in our cause. Following that order would have meant the collapse of the country but more importantly of the army itself. It is unlikely that soldiers would have been able to carry out orders like these especially when the demands were undisputedly just. Soldiers are not trained to murder unarmed civilians of another nation, much less their countrymen. Is it really worth saluting someone for not being a cold blooded murderer? Or were our expectations of them so low?

The real test was when the army took over. But what did the army do when it took over? They only promised to uphold Mubarak’s promises. What else did they do? Nothing. Lots of propaganda and nothing more. They allowed some of those who were corrupt to be tried, but they were scapegoats rather than a real quest for justice. The army, in fact, is building a shameful history of protecting many of the corrupt figures. They have not been a force to realize the demands of the revolution, if anything, they insist on hindering them every day. In short, they’ve assumed dictatorship.

Dictatorship can only be allowed temporarily if only to fulfill our demands and give us our rights. So far, none of that that has happened. On the contrary, the army protected thugs, allowed the shooting of Christian protesters, unlawfully arrested citizens, artists, journalists and human rights observers. It practiced torture that we set out to abolish and generally exercised a great deal of injustice.

I can back up every accusation, but it doesn’t matter because there’s a psychological impediment to people believing the most compelling of evidence. To believe that the army is an oppressive tyrant would be a pathway to hopelessness. There are a few reasons that the army presents obstacles that seem too monumental to overcome. One is that the army is powerful. Even though people have taken down one tyrant, the police, they feel that it would be difficult to take on the army in a similar manner. (I’m not saying that we should.) The other reason is that it would be psychologically catastrophic to realize that no institution in Egypt upholds justice.

Even the classist rich elite need that sense of justice. They would sooner believe that asking for what’s yours is illegal than believe that it’s your right and you will be punished for it.

There are three types of coping mechanisms:

Simple denial: not believing that anything actually happened.

Minimization: admitting the fact but not its seriousness through rationalization.

Projection: admitting the fact and its seriousness but not the responsibility.

The body of evidence is overwhelming, but I’ve seen all the various forms of coping, especially rationalization amidst the educated. These reasons make it futile to convince those in denial of the army’s actions. According to Anna Freud, denial is a mechanism of the immature mind, because it conflicts with the ability to learn from and cope with reality.

Personally, I recommend a shrink.

The Bridge on the River Nile

2011-03-08T06:27:00.000-08:00

I went out tonight, not just to determine why Copts are protesting in the streets, but mostly why the protesters insisted on stopping traffic on the vital 6th of October bridge.

I left home on a bicycle and made my way through the strangely diverted traffic. When I got to the top of the bridge I saw a very empty 6th of October bridge, with a few cars parked on the side and in the middle of the road. No cars were allowed to pass by a group of young men who took ownership of the bridge. Further along down the bridge I could see thousands of protesters just outside Maspero, the television building. They had their volunteers set up searching anyone who enters the protest site and looking at their IDs ala Tahrir republic.

I must confess that at the time I could not see with clarity how the protesters were thinking. With Tahrir, it was always easy. We all knew what needed to be done and I am able to answer the questions put forth by the Kanaba (couch) party as to what was needed. With these protests, I needed to gauge the mood. Unlike some of the Kanaba party who insist on getting things wrong just because they don’t understand protesters’ motivations and thinking, I went ahead and did something unthinkable; I tried to understand.

I asked one of the protesters, vigilantly set on not letting any car through, as to the purpose of his actions. He answered with an air of impatience, obviously having had to answer that same question over and over again. I made it clear to him that I understood all of his concerns and agreed with his goals but was merely concerned with the technique. He answered a little more patiently and explained the situation.

A church in a small village called Soul in the governorate of Helwan was attacked and demolished. Furthermore, a great majority of Christians were kicked out of their village and threatened. Those who tore down the church claimed it as a mosque and accused the church of practicing magic.

As I talked to the young Mena, he explained that people there were unsafe, that they can’t protect their women and can’t protect themselves.

Why not just stay outside Maspero, why stop traffic?

He said that they were outside Maspero for three days and nothing happened, nothing changed, no one heard them. “I’m the first person against doing something like this, but we have no choice, we need to do this to have our voices heard. We’re doing this for all Copts so that they can feel safe in their homes.”

“My friends are surprised that I’m doing this because I’m usually very calm. But now I’ve had enough.”

He added, “My father came driving on the bridge and I would not allow any exceptions. I told him to park the car and wouldn’t let him through.”

For over thirty years Copts have tried to be heard. Today it seems there is a lot of listening going on and it may be an opportune moment. I doubt that they’re abusing the situation, for it was the Copts who started the most effective protests near Maspero and Shubra after the bombing of the Saints Church earlier this year that gave us a hint that 25 Jan was possible.

It’s easy to be judgmental and claim that this sort of action should be condemned, but the young man spoke with so much conviction. He held that bridge as if letting one car through was the complete destruction of his cause. They young men managed to let some ambulances and private cars through depending on the urgency. As we were speaking, a group of young Muslim men came to talk to the protesters on the bridge, telling them they were watching television and that they understood what was happening and that real Muslims would not have done this. It was a great moment of understanding but also filled with so much rage and confusion.

It’s difficult to fathom that their voice has been heard. Decades have passed with the voice of Coptic Christians silenced either by ignoring their cause or asking them to stop because there really are no problems. I came out understanding their desperation, and the urgency of their cause. They were attempting something extreme in order to fight the extreme. I would not say I approve of the method, but I don’t have any method of my own that I’m sure would work. I left the bridge hoping that their voices would be heard and that everyone would be able to cross from one side to the other.

Hope

2011-02-27T00:43:00.001-08:00

We are united in our desire to do what's right, this makes us powerful, and this eliminates our fear.

Something was born of the revolution, something that makes the dark times brighter, something that makes us better people, something that raises us when we’re down. That something is hope. It is hope that I see around me that lifts people despite the harrowing news, despite the confusion.

It seems a little childish of me to hang on to something like hope. The word had lost its meaning in the recent dark ages that passed. It was a something to mock, something to ridicule, something out of a cheesy movie. It was a word much like 'love' defiled and stripped of meaning. In Egypt, one could have asked if you believed in 'hope' in the same manner as one would ask if you believed in 'love'. I am aware now as I write this of how silly it may sound to those who have not experienced a revolution within themselves, but I make the case for hope having experienced it ever so closely.

It is a feeling of value, that I matter, that my actions mean something and help someone. It is a feeling that despite everything I can be helped by someone. It is the belief that good can triumph if you fight hard enough. It is all of these childish fairy tales that I believed before. When hope was born, I became like a child once again, with the same faith I had in great notions without any of the doubt. But this hope is better than that of a child's, for it is one that understands reality and is not deterred by it. It is a hope that is not moved by danger or the dark reality. It is a world is seen from a different vantage point, even though it hasn't changed at all. This sort of hope is more sophisticated because it retains the optimism of a hopeful child and the wisdom of an old cynic.

Police treason left us with some of the darkest experiences the country had ever witnessed. The aim was to drive us back to despair, but it didn't work, it was too late, hope was born. With much pain this hope was born, with much sacrifice, with much death. These trying times would have discouraged Egyptians before their new found hope, but they bore it out, they welcomed the darkness served with vengeance from our ex enslavers. It was a price they accepted to pay for what's to come, the hope that was born.

There's something different about Egyptians. Those losing money may be upset but not troubled, those facing danger are worried but not feeling unsafe. The youth finally feel they're the future of the country. Some of have done great things for other countries but were deprived of that chance in Egypt.

In the past, it didn't matter what we did for the country, we knew that somewhere along the line it would hit a dead end at some corrupt official’s desk. We expected stupidity from our government and we got it.

People started to care because there was hope that their action or sacrifice will not be in vain. Hope was injected suddenly into the veins of Egyptian. It was as if someone who had died was resuscitated, opened his eyes, took a deep breath and jumped up as if he hadn't died at all.

I write this now even as things have not turned out as we Egyptians hoped for. We’re still dealing with the old regime with new faces. Very little has changed but the little that has is very important. The people have changed, and they now have a new found weapon called hope. I write this now even though I feel down continuously, worn down by all our attempts foiled by the corrupt who roam the country unquestioned. I see my friends feeling down too. The evil of those who govern Egypt is deeply rooted.

At times like these I remember that people can make a difference, and that as long as this hope is alive, we have something to lift us up in the face of events to come. At times like these I remind myself that people can cause things to change. I remind myself that we could foil the plans of a few corrupt men even though they have the guns and the power to command an arsenal of mercenaries. They may have the power to command, but we have the power to love one another.

I remind myself of how many more people are choosing to do what’s right, how many more people are willing to die for what’s right. I remind myself that what we do today makes a difference, that we have a chance to act based on our principles without necessarily expecting to fail. I remind myself of the valor and the sacrifice of young men and women who died. I remind myself of my fellow Egyptians who left the rest of the world in awe. All I have to do is visit Tahrir Republic or remind myself of it. I remind myself of truth. I remind myself of freedom. I remind myself of justice. But most of all I remind myself of hope, which makes all these things possible.

Frequently Asked Questions about the Military

2011-02-26T03:41:00.000-08:00

A guide to understanding the Egyptian Military’s decisions in the past and over the next few weeks.

Is the military with Mubarak?

They’re not, in any case, the Egyptians will never take Mubarak back no matter what, something new has to be provided.

Is the military with the people?

They’re not. All evidence so far point to the idea that the military is playing a different game.

What does the military want?

The military wants to remain in power long enough to be able to determine Egypt’s fate. They want to determine the next parliament and the next president. The political scene must not be decided through democracy; there must be approval by the military.

But how would they do that?

Through sustaining a sense of insecurity and by keeping protests weak. Very little efforts will be done to avoid incidents that cause threat to Egyptians such as priest killings, house burnings and other small incidents. They will sustain a sense of instability by not eliminating the threats that are identifiable by people.

They will also hold the reigns of all political powers that shape the country and will not allow free thinkers in the loop of this transitional period.

What is your evidence for that?

The military insists on maintaining control of everything. They know what people want but they’re not doing it. They are doing the bare necessities. The actions taken by the army are enough to split people’s loyalties and cause them to put some form of trust in the military; enough to clear Tahrir square, but not enough to bring down the regime. By keeping people hopeful of changes in the future, they are hoping to quell the revolution.

Note that the military has systematically attacked monasteries and aims to sustain an air of tension. It has not touched the ministry of interior and it has not brought to justice its security arm. The police remain corrupt. The military hopes to restore enough trust in the police and use them when the time comes. None of the police have been held accountable to date, and there is pressure applied on the martyrs’ families to drop charges.

Corrupt businessmen that have worked in the shadows are still on the loose, and they still maintain power. Some influential names are Safwat El Sherif and Fathy Serour. Mubarak has already been scapegoated. Political control now is through the military and its ally Ahmed Shafik.

Note also that when doubts escalated, the military compensated by appearing on television and insisting that they had little time and only discussed things already promised. When they were asked about Ahmed Shafik, they evaded the question and pointed out that it was their decision not the people’s.

Speaking of which, why hasn’t Shafik been sacked?

The military must ensure that it has the right people in the right places. The right people are those who are willing to sell their soul to anyone for the right price. This includes several ministers and persons in key positions and businessmen. One of these people is Ahmed Shafik who the military insists on keeping despite opposition. They have not made it clear why, which means that they are not with the people. Shafik has been part of the system and while he may not be corrupt to the bone, he will do whatever political maneuvers to survive. He is a survivor first and foremost and has no qualms with the old regime polices.

But why?

The military is funded by the US. The US has not reduced any of the aid provided to Egypt. The decision to oust Mubarak was strongly supported by the US. In exchange, the military is to retain control on the political front, not aggravating the people enough for another uprising but at the same time maintaining a level of threat that justifies their control until the parliament and the elections. The parliament is important for the military to assert complete control. That is why the military insists on having the parliamentary elections before presidential elections.

Any more evidence?

Inconsistency of their position. Why is the military allowing the police to operate in a manner similar to that before January 25? Why is it tearing down monastery walls? Why are government mouthpieces still spreading their venomous lies? Why did the military not explain the attacks on the monasteries? Why did the military reclaim land just outside monasteries instead of much more land suitable for agriculture taken over by others? The military has authority to change laws and yet uses the excuse of laws that shouldn’t exist to justify the ineffectiveness of its actions. Furthermore, military propaganda is a lot like state TV, they never admit to doing anything incorrectly and the language of flattery to the Egyptian people is in my opinion patronizing.

(More recently, the use of force by the military against protesters to clear the square and the use of batons, taser guns and masked men support these answers)*

I don’t believe you

This is not a question, but an expected attitude. How can we accept that all the government has conspired against us? I share the same sentiments and have struggled to accept these conclusions. I do not want to believe that our last hope in establishments might let us down. Much to my own dismay all logic and reasoning point to this direction. The truth is that we cannot trust anyone but ourselves.

*These answers were written before any of the events that took place on Friday 25 February. These FAQs were written in attempt to provide a key to understanding the army’s motivations and the events to come.

Taking Tahrir With Us

2011-02-16T13:07:00.000-08:00

What now? This is a question that is on the forefront. Where do we go from here after having had a revolution that successfully overthrew a man who has left us to the dogs. What happens after Tahrir Republic has been evacuated?

The only thing I truly feel is worth doing is taking Tahrir back with us. All that was good in Tahrir was already in the people who decided to leave their homes and live there. Now, Tahrir lives in us and we have to pass that torch to those numerous others who have not been to Tahrir nor experienced what it truly means. Tahrir is no longer a place we live in, it’s a place that lives in us.

The revolution was a revelation that we can be something other than the opportunistic bastards that the old regime painted us to be. There’s more to us and now there’s more of us. Taking Tahrir was not easy, but taking Tahrir back with us will make it look like a walk in the park. There are tough days ahead of us when we have to battle the same battles we won in Tahrir with those who have chosen to watch. They do not recognize the change and it is our duty to take it to them.

The real revolution is in this, that the tables have turned. Morality has a voice and we can scream at those evil crooks and they will be frightened. There is a change, a real change in the dynamics of power. Those who are fighting the good fight will find backers. There are so many of us. I will stop what I’m doing and join in the battle against whatever evil or corruption that I see. I know that I have comrades in this fight and I know that we can win all the battles just like we won in Tahrir.

The rest all falls into place. The constitutional changes, the elections, the abuse, all of it will be handled if we take Tahrir with us back to our lives. We are the revolution, and everyone who has not been on our side and has not helped our cause has to remember this. We are the people who are to stand for what’s right and what’s just from now on. We are the people who will act in the face of hopelessness and we are the keepers of the flame we helped light.

Taking on Goliath

2011-02-13T00:30:00.000-08:00

Much of this is emotional; unlike many, my heart is not all filled with celebration. I’m filled with fear, with joy, and with remorse. It’s hard to believe that the time in Tahrir Republic is coming close to an end. We found something in Tahrir that we’ve missed for so long, indeed it may be something many haven’t ever found. In Tahrir there was unadulterated love of a nation by people who have been crushed by it. So many voices silenced in the past, so many talents wasted, so many lives not spent well. In Tahrir we found each other, we found the true meaning of nationalism. I always hated that sentiment though, that pride of belonging to a nation. The whole world was my nation, but in Tahrir, I found out what it really means. It means your brothers and sisters and your whole extended family living in the same place, sharing the same emotions and sharing the same thoughts.

In Tahrir, there was hope, and there was a common goal and a common pain. Tahrir did not just teach the world a political lesson, it taught the people there much more than they knew before coming into the square, Liberation square, where people went to find their freedom, but found it in one another. Tahrir transformed the people there. Many have spoken about the community there, the collaboration and the kindness strangers have shown one another. It was a journey that we all shared, and we found there the best in each other and in ourselves.

I learned the meaning of the words ‘Tahya Masr’ which some people translate as ‘long live Egypt’. The literal translation though is ‘Egypt lives’. I learned what it was for the dead to rise; for Egypt to live after years of being buried underneath a rubble of hatred, extremism and poverty.

Tears fill my heart as I think about everyone leaving and going back to their daily business. Will they remember the strangers who became their brothers? Will they remember what it feels like to serve one another with joy?

Will people ever take this hard earned chance of freedom for granted? Even now, I remember the faces of those who died in this battle. I do not want them to be forgotten. They were ordinary people trying to fight for their own dreams, taking on a beastly Goliath. They ended up fighting for our hopes and our dreams. They ended up running into the eye of the storm in the hopes of stopping the destruction it was wreaking.

I wish those who reap the fruits of this struggle will always remember how brave it was for those people to start caring. They could have selfishly lived on in the comfort of their lives, but they selflessly walked out of their homes to face a danger that Egyptians have feared for 30 years. I wish that people could know and remember how much courage that took.

I heard that Egyptians were once a great people, that they were once full of love for one another, full of ideas and adventure. I did not see those people much as I traversed the streets of Egypt. I saw only glimpses, like shooting stars, and they were not enough for me to have faith in my people. I wondered to myself where did the real Egyptians go? I searched the broken down streets of Cairo, and I was surrounded by darkness. I searched the other cities and they were crowded and poor. I searched for Egyptians that could live up to their history, I searched for Egyptians that could be countrymen. For the longest time I could not find them, but I finally found them in Tahrir.

They Wanted Justice

2011-02-10T04:04:00.000-08:00

One of the most phenomenal aspects of the revolution in Egypt is how young people went out in masses despite their usual passiveness and the pervasive culture of fear security bodies have built.

(Down with the regime)

30 years of oppression provide ample reason to go out and protest whether for price increases, poor wages, taxes, pensions or the corruption within the entire People’s Assembly. Many of the protests before January 25 were related to professional grievances. There were protests for doctors’ wages, railway workers, government employees and factory workers. All of these in my opinion were just catalysts.

The real reason people went out and protested on January 25, 2011 was because of Khaled Said. In June 2010, Khaled Said, a young man of age 27, was murdered in Alexandria at the hands of two police goons in plain sight. He died for seemingly no reason but refusing to show his identification to the plain clothed policemen who did not want to present him with their ID. They violently dragged him out of a cyber café, took him inside a building next door and beat him till he died. When charges were brought against the police, the forensic report was falsified and the Ministry of Interior started a smear campaign against the young man full of lies in order to cover up for the policemen.

This incident of brutality infuriated most of the young people of Khaled’s age and class. It had been a long standing unspoken rule that people from good families were never mistreated by the police. This incident, the blatant smear campaign and the protection of the murderers struck a chord with young middle-class Egyptians. In retaliation, they staged demonstrations that took place opposite the Ministry of Interior protesting the injustice that had befallen Khaled. This was one of the few mass protests where ordinary citizens other than activists, journalists and certain professionals decided to partake including the disgruntled youth.

The Ministry of Interior confronted the protests against police violence with police violence. Brutality terrorized protesters and many were arrested through the use of violent thugs.

The young men and women, desperately trying to get their message across devised alternate forms of protests that wouldn’t anger authorities. They decided to protest in creative ways, such as asking people in Cairo and Alexandria to wear black, stand on the bank of the Nile or the Mediterranean, backs to the street reading whatever holy book they believe in. The authorities were still angered at this form of silent protest and cracked down on the protesters in various ways. It felt that authorities were not angered by the manner of protest, but by the concept of citizens expressing themselves collectively in any way.

The feeling of oppression was driven to new limits with a clear message from security bodies: anyone can be picked on; anyone can be beaten to death. Not only do you have to accept it, but you have no right to object.

The feeling of injustice lingered on with those young men and women. It was an implosive force waiting for a chance to explode. Khaled Said was a true symbol of someone young, talented and vibrant, whose life was stolen unlawfully by those who were supposed to uphold the law. The slogan, which authorities may have taken lightly was, “We are all Khaled Said.”

Till today the authorities are wary of some sort of conspiracy theory unaware of how true the slogan was. The young men and women felt as though they were Khaled Said, it wasn’t a shallow slogan like those the government invents. They felt his mother’s pain and they felt his injustice as he asked he pleaded with his murders to stop their brutality.

Despite all efforts, Khaled Said was not forgotten. He was the epitome of everything that was wrong with this country. Everything was building up in the background: poverty, ignorance, corruption, dictatorship and misrepresentation, but Khaled Said hit very close to home.

When the Saints’ Church in Alexandria was bombed right after the biggest falsification of the People’s Assembly, people were further charged. When Tunisia proved that dictators can go and that injustice can be fought, the implosive energy exploded.

Joined by others with various grievances, those young men and women took to the streets starting January 25 charged with a load of injustice. The young men and women fighting for their freedoms went out fighting for one another. They went out fighting so that there wouldn’t be another Khaled Said.

They did not want police brutality to continue unquestioned; they did not want to live in a sea of injustice. They wanted the perpetrators held accountable. They wanted to be safe and they wanted their friends safe. They wanted a future where parents would not wonder if their child has been beaten to death by the so-called upholders of the law. They wanted a chance to express their anger, and tell the world not to believe the lies of the police and the regime. They wanted life; they wanted justice.

I Cried Today

2011-02-08T03:52:00.000-08:00

I had thought the country would take numerous years to change into that which we hoped for. All it takes is a visit to Tahrir Square (which I now call Tahrir Republic) to see that it took only four days to change people. It is a revolution of the people, by the people. Like my fellow Egyptians, I too am shocked. Yet for the first time I look upon my country with pride. Many have died for us to have that piece of land in Tahrir that gives us hope for the future.

Tahrir Republic is all that is good about Egyptians.

I cried today. Like many others who watched Wael Ghonim's interview, I cried today. It was a moment that I felt so well. They were tears for a country that could have been. It was not the first time I shed those tears. I often cried for my country when moved by the goodness of its people; we don’t deserve this prison, we don’t deserve this injustice. I did not cry for Wael Ghonim but for the same reasons he did.

When I saw those young beautiful faces of those who died for the revolution I was moved to tears. The reason I cried is because of their smiling faces. They weren’t soldiers, set on spreading their ideologies. They weren’t serious about fighting for some political cause. They were smiling because they loved life. Some seemed to have had a comfortable life. They looked like many I knew who ordinarily would have brushed off the prospect of making our country a better place and sat at a café. They all looked like they would have been happier driving off to a coastal city than walk into danger, into the hands of the tyrants that were sworn to protect us. They all could have stayed home that dreadful but glorious day.

But on 25 January, they decided they must speak up. They would leave the luxury of their comfortable lives and fight for their dignity and ours. They would go to the streets and voice out their woes despite their fear. They would overcome violence with peace. Those ordinary young men and women of this country chose to care; they chose to fight for something great. They chose to fight for our children, for our future.

Those faces on screen, so full of life, are dead for no reason but greed and evil. I look into their faces and I feel like I’ve always known them. They are my friends before I ever got to know them, and I will miss them although I never spent time with them. More than that, I love them all because they loved us all without having met us.

I used to be afraid, now I'm Egyptian

Must they Protest?

2011-02-05T11:58:00.000-08:00

There is a recurring pattern regarding the protests. On the day of the protests Jan 25, State Television remarked that the protests started well but turned violent in the middle of the day. This was done to justify police violence. On Jan 28, reports of the protest of Jan 25 changed completely, and the whole day was turned miraculously into a flawless, peaceful march, but that the real perpetrators infiltrated the protests on Jan 28. Some of the protesters were accused of setting police stations on fire.

In the following weeks, the same thing happened, again and again. Previous protests were commendable but the most recent were or maneuvered by a foreign agenda. Do you see a pattern?

Today, Safwat El Sherif and Gamal Mubarak have been removed and Hussam Badrawy, a man of more moderate opinions was put in charge of the NDP. Those who have asked for an end to the revolution have celebrated its triumphs. Every day they ask for protests to end, and are surprised by the results of its continuation.

On Friday Feb 4 there was propaganda that almost 70 percent of the protesters were from the Muslim Brotherhood. Irrespective of sources that tell me otherwise, how does one reconcile the mixed messages? There were around one million people in Tahrir, this means 700 thousand of them were Muslim Brotherhood. If they had that many people in Tahrir, they would have been obvious for starters. If the Muslim Brotherhood had these numbers, why weren’t they there on Friday? They wouldn’t have waited all these years to start demonstrations. It’s highly improbable. Also if Muslim Brotherhood were leading this movement, why would they stick so much to the peaceful demonstration philosophy?

If 70 percent were the brotherhood, that leaves 30 percent. Since almost everyone has been accused of having a hidden agenda, we can estimate a total of 25 percent of Syrians, Iranians, Israelis, Tunisians and Americans, which leaves 5 percent that can only be Egyptians unhappy with our dictatorship. Does that even make sense?

The game is to convince people that protesters are to blame. But are they now? Let’s consider the facts. The reason work did not resume after protests is because the internet was out and because the Ministry of Interior let prisoners out. So why are protesters being blamed? It’s because the government said so, and nothing else. Why is there a curfew? Because the government has organized militia to terrorize Egyptian people. If you come to think of it, protesters are to blame because they stood against tyranny and terror, and for that the whole of Egypt is punished using tyranny and terror. When you ask protesters to go home, you are asking for the punishment by the government to stop. You are succumbing to the tyranny we all resent. People are risking their lives for our collective rights, and they’re being backstabbed by those who fear oppression and thus will end up being oppressed.

The argument that the economy is collapsing is meaningless. It is also a form of collective punishment. The regime is hurting our economy to scare us. Why do you support the regime in the terrorist activity of destroying our economy? Don’t you know that if corruption is removed, we’ll rebuild our country in very little time? Don’t you know that one corrupt official like Ahmed Ezz can balance out any deficit even if they punish us like this for another month?

Before talking of the economy, remember again how it is being robbed. Our losses due to theft and corruption are more than those due to the suspension of trade. We will make it up when we become a true democracy. There will be investments to rebuild and this time, they will flow to the economy rather than some Swiss bank or mansions in Paris, New York or Frankfurt. Mubarak has 40 -70 billion dollars of our country’s wealth. To put that into perspective, our total deficit is 32 billion dollars. Don’t worry about our economy, if some people can amass that much wealth, then the country will be fine when they leave.

To those saying ‘give the government a chance’, I agree, but what’s stopping them? If they are true to their promises, the country will change irrespective of the protesters. The protesters are there to ensure that the decisions taken align with the promises. If the protesters had left when you first asked them to, Safwat El Sherif would have still been in power, Ezz and Adly on the loose, and a million other promises not unfulfilled. You really don’t know what you’re talking about asking people to leave and reaping their victories. You’re entitled to have an opinion, but please don’t discourage those in Tahrir fighting for your rights. It’s enough as it is that you’re not doing any of the fighting.

If the regime is not changed, you will have a powerful, more oppressive police state. This is a regime that shuts down phones and the internet. This is a regime that sends in camels and horses to disperse crowds. This is a regime that runs people over with police trucks. This is a regime that promises freedoms and safe passage to all protesters in Tahrir and arrests them as its Prime Minister makes these statements. Do you think it is in any way serious about reforms?

These people have died and been injured and you’re upset because you weren’t able to go to the movies or make an extra hundred pounds? Freedom comes at a cost and you’re not paying any of it. If you want to be enslaved by a tyrant, it’s your choice, but don’t force others around you to become as cowardly as you are.