Meet the New Boss: A tale of military extortion

On the way back from Ain Sokhna close to 11 pm on Friday night, 23 September 2011, I was stopped by a group of army personnel. I was in the company of a male Egyptian friend and a female Australian friend (the significance of gender soon to be elucidated). They searched thoroughly through every piece of trash in my mess of a car and came up with an unopened bottle of alcohol kept in a back pack in the trunk of the car. 

“We found this,” the soldier promptly reported as he held up the cheap bottle. I carelessly remarked, “This is a closed container of alcohol.”

They continued to rummage through the car, over and over again with much redundancy. 

When they were done, one of the army personnel said they had to confiscate and break the bottle. I could not tell if he was an officer or a conscript, since he was wearing army pants and a designer shirt but in all likelihood, he was an officer since he had the freedom to do so. I once again emphasized that it was a closed container which meant they had no right to do so. 

The officer responded, “If there’s a closed one here, it means that another was consumed there.”

It may be pertinent to point that neither I nor my company had consumed any alcohol earlier. 

I responded, “the law says that …” and before I had completed the sentence, the officer said, “Don’t talk to me about the law, I’ve been up since 6 am in the morning doing this.”

I did not care for the bottle in any way, but my concern was for being a victim of illegitimate abuse. I insisted that he had no legal ground for confiscating the bottle, and he insisted he didn’t care much for legitimacy. 

“Where did you buy this?” he asked.

“Duty free,” I said.

“Do you have your passport to prove it?”

“No.”

“Then I’m sorry.”

“I could have bought it from Egypt and paid 3000 LE in customs for all you care,” I said.

My friend spoke to the officer, aggressively opposed to his actions. The officer in retaliation said that he could just through it up in the air and smash it if he wanted to. My friend said he couldn’t do that, but I on the other hand agreed with the officer. 

“You can do whatever you want because you’re carrying a gun, but not because you have a right to,” I said.

He said that nothing can be done by force and that he had his orders. He went on to say, “I have orders to confiscate any drugs, electric shock, alcohol and condoms.”

“Condoms?” I asked.

“Yes,” he replied, “just earlier today we stopped 73 cars and the women were all complaining when we confiscated their electric shocks.”

“I understand about electric shocks and drugs, but the rest of your instructions are illegal. How do I know you really have orders to confiscate these items?” I asked.

He said, “It’s simple we wait for a military truck that transfers you to C28, the prosecution for military intelligence and then you get to find out.”

“You want me to go to military prosecution infamous for locking up 12,000 people unjustly where trials are done in an officer’s mess for this?” I responded.

“What trials?” he said, “Don’t believe all that you hear.” 

“You and I both know this is what happens,” I responded.  “I’m not going to waste my time waiting for that truck when we both know that you do not have the right to confiscate alcohol if it’s in a closed container. Besides, if I knew I was doing something wrong, I wouldn’t have argued with you for so long, and more importantly if you knew you had a right to do what you’re doing, you wouldn’t have been so patient and civil in this conversation.”

We talked for around 30 minutes. It was the same old technique used by Egyptian police to blackmail passersby on the road. The idea as I learned from earlier encounters was that the security personnel would use threats of time wasting and hassles in order for you to bribe them. 

The officer held on to the alcohol bottle, and said that he had to destroy it. He said he’d pour it all out to show us that he was actually getting rid of it. What did he think we were suspicious of? Whatever suspicions we may have not have of him trying to take this bottle for him and his buddies were asserted.

I explained to my Australian friend what was going on and translated some of the conversation.

Me and my Egyptian friend quarreled and were intent on not allowing this abuse of power. Many words were exchanged. Despite the absurdity of the situation, I noticed that the army officers were still new at this. They exerted too much effort searching the car, something the police would have been more efficient at. They also couldn’t maintain that balance between power and abuse. They were too civil at times and too threatening at times. 

In a few months, they would perfect these attacks. After enough abuses they would find out that they need to exert less effort searching the cars, they need to be less tense when issuing threats and they would get what they wanted easily from those who cared more for their time than they cared for the rule of law. 

I knew that the price for my time was the bottle, and it’s a price I would be willing to pay in different circumstances. But with that price, I would have given up my rights and the rule of law which I wasn’t willing to give away. I was ready to wait it out and perhaps even risk the chance of facing military prosecution with falsified charges because I didn’t want to willingly give up my right and succumb to military extortion.

My Australian friend had stood at a distance and hadn’t engaged the officers in any conversation. 

“This is ridiculous,” she finally said addressing the officer in English. 

“No this is not ridiculous,” responded the officer looking surprised. I was surprised too, for other reasons. I had not expected the officer to understand the word ‘ridiculous’ and hadn’t expected him to respond in English.

He then stood there for five seconds trying to find the words to convince her of his position, but found none. He then handed her the cheap bottle saying, “A gift for you.” 

In All Cases, the State of Emergency

“In all cases, the announcement of a state of emergency will be for a limited time period not exceeding 6 months,” so says article 59 of the provisional constitution. ‘In all cases’, that’s a very powerful phrase and it’s not a mistranslation either. It did not say in ‘all of the above cases’ or ‘in most cases’ or ‘in all relevant cases’. The absoluteness of this statement is beyond contention. Since this is the constitution we’re plagued with, we must follow this rule.

According to Tarek El Bishry, who headed the committee to write the new constitutional declaration, the emergency law has ended on 19 September, 6 months after the referendum. 

I personally think it will end on 30 September, 6 months after the adoption of the provisional constitution on 30 March .

In any case, we know that we were in a state of emergency when the SCAF announced that military trials will be ongoing as long as the emergency law is active. That happened even before the events of the Israeli embassy on 9 September and the announcement that the emergency law was necessary.

The SCAF on the other hand, thinks that Mubarak’s declaration of the extension of the emergency law is still valid till June 2012. They are gravely mistaken. Article 62 states "All laws and regulations decided upon before the publication of this Announcement remain valid and implemented; however, it is possible to cancel laws or amend them according to the rules and procedures adopted in this Announcement."

This means that any law in conflict with the new constitutional declaration needs to be amended to match the constitution, which means the decision taken in 2010 to extend the emergency law is void because it is in direct conflict with the constitution and constitutions supersede any law. The SCAF do not have the power to extend the emergency law in absence of a parliament and a popular referendum.

Article 59

The president of the republic, after taking into account the opinion of the cabinet, can announce a state of emergency as stipulated in law. He/she must present this announcement to the People’s Assembly within the seven subsequent days to decide its view on this matter. If the state of emergency is announced in a period of recess, the Assembly must be called back to session immediately to review the matter, taking into account the time limit mentioned above. If the People’s Assembly is dissolved, the matter will be reviewed by the new Assembly at its first meeting. A majority of the members of the People’s Assembly must agree to the announcement of a state of emergency. In all cases, the announcement of a state of emergency will be for a limited time period not exceeding 6 months. It is not permissible to extend it, except after a people’s referendum on the matter and their agreement to an extension.

In all cases, we cannot be in a state of emergency for more than six months. Yet we are. The real state of emergency is a military dictatorship that does not respect the constitution or the law or any of its citizens for that matter. The real problem is that we have no means of respecting the law as long as the enforcers themselves are the law breakers.

Article 56: A Referendum Disrespected

I know I’m revisiting an old topic, but perhaps it is not clear to some that the referendum has been disrespected and the constitution has no legitimacy.

What was the referendum about? The answer is not as complex as some people make it out to be. It was a referendum to change eight articles of the 1971 constitution. Argue what you will about what you thought it was, that is what was written and that is what you signed. It wasn’t about Article 2 of the constitution as some made it out to be and it wasn’t about the legitimacy of the Supreme  Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) as others claim. It was all written in the document signed by millions of Egyptians.

It makes no sense to argue that the referendum was something other than was written. Why would it be? Why would they not write what it truly was? If you signed a cheque for a million pounds, is it a valid argument to claim that you were told it meant a hundred pounds? It would only make sense if you hadn’t read what you signed, and that would be foolish anyway.

The reason we have to be crystal clear about what the referendum was about is to understand whether it was respected or not. The truth, plain and simple: It was not.

What was supposed to happen?

Had the referendum been respected, the ’71 constitution would have been brought back to life with the eight articles amended and any contradiction removed. This meant, however, that the head of the constitutional court would take charge of Egypt, something the SCAF would never allow.

Assuming for a ludicrous moment that respecting the referendum meant a new constitutional declaration that nullifies the ’71 constitution, what would it entail? It would mean adding articles from ’71 constitution along with the eight new articles voted in. Even though this scenario would have contradicted the text in the referendum, it still would have been acceptable.

What actually happened?

What actually happened is nothing short of a disaster. The SCAF added seven of the eight articles voted in by Egyptians, altered one of them and declared a new constitution. They added a grand total of 57 more articles that no one agreed to or was aware of. Although many articles were compliant with the dreaded ’71 constitution, the number of crucial and dictatorial articles added was almost as many as those voted on.

The real disaster however is article 56, which grants the SCAF the powers of a dictator. The article states:

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces deals with the administration of the affairs of the country. To achieve this, it has directly the following authorities:

1)      Legislation

2)      Issuing public policy for the state and the public budget and ensuring its implementation

3)      Appointing the appointed members of the People’s Assembly

4)      Calling the People’s Assembly and the Shura Council to enter into normal session, adjourn, or hold an extraordinary session, and adjourn said session.

5)      The right to promulgate laws or object to them.

6)      Represent the state domestically and abroad, sign international treaties and agreements, and be considered a part of the legal system of the state.

7)      Appoint the head of the cabinet and his/her deputies and ministers and their deputies, as well as relieve them of their duties.

8)      Appoint civilian and military employees and political representatives, as well as dismiss them according to the law; accredit foreign political representatives.

9)      Pardon or reduce punishment, though blanket amnesty is granted only by law.

10)   Other authorities and responsibilities as determined by the president of the republic pursuant to laws and regulations. The Council shall have the power to delegate its head or one of its members to take on its responsibilities.

I am quite certain that if a law suit were to be filed against the SCAF for their actions in disrespecting the referendum, the court would rule against them. However, as things stand, the SCAF control everything and so fairness is not an option.

Other articles that were not part of the referendum or the 1971 constitution are 57, 58, 59, 61, 62. Article 189 was transformed into article 60 with changes contrary to the referendum which accepted the article as it was.

What does it all mean?

The intentional disrespect of a nationwide referendum is symptomatic of a dictatorship that did not end with the fall of Mubarak. If a person’s vote has not been respected in a referendum that the SCAF itself designed, then how will it be respected in the upcoming elections?

Those calling for a constitution before elections are not disrespecting the referendum in any way. It is the SCAF that disrespected the referendum, the revolution and the entire country. These are greedy men who will never relinquish control.

There Was No Storm

Military personnel organizing the alleged 'storming' of  the embassy

The storming of the Israeli embassy is a catastrophe, not because it is a diplomatic incident, or because protests got out of hand, but because there was no storming of the embassy. The real catastrophe is in the fabrication of an event by the armed forces in order to create their own version of Pearl Harbor, or 9/11.

The reason for this is only so that the SCAF can tighten its slipping grip over Egypt’s politics. The plan is to bring back the practices of arbitrary arrests and subjugation without an onslaught from the media or public opinion. This time, the laws target the revolutionary youth instead of the Muslim Brotherhood. The inaccurate presentation of the embassy events as an attack that could lead to an international crisis helps instill fear in the heart of Egyptians who do not want chaos in their country.

One of the least talked about issues when it comes to the events of September 9 is how the so-called storming of the embassy flat happened. The media portrays it as some uncontrollable attack by a mob where security forces lost control. The truth couldn’t be farther. The tearing down of the wall, was a celebration that met no resistance from the myriad of security personnel present there. The protesters did not greatly outnumber the number of soldiers with perhaps over 40 trucks in the vicinity of the embassy. This means that the most conservative estimate places 2000 soldiers charged with the protection of embassies in that area.

After the demolition came celebrations. The next part of the show was allowing Ahmed El Shahat wannabes to scale the building to take down the Israeli flag. Not just one person, but 4 of them attempted to scale the building, the most successful of which managed to make it to the fifth floor. At this point they were all summoned in, possibly with assurances from the army that they will not be arrested and will be allowed to continue. This all took place in the Israeli embassy building mind you, not the one next to it which Ahmed El Shahat scaled. It is important to point out that all those who made it through were almost handpicked, and the army did not allow anyone to go through.

What followed was incomprehensible.  They remained for inside the building for about 20-30 minutes inside the building before re-emerging once more on balconies on various floors. The climbers waved from the balconies and crowd cheered in euphoria from below. It was very odd to see that amount of people let inside the building despite heavy security presence below. Every once in a while, it seemed that yet another floor and another apartment was invaded. Around 15 of them ended up on the roof of the next door building and around 10 of the others were seen 2 floors beneath the Israeli flag in yet another balcony. One has to wonder how all these apartments were invaded and why. Below, no more protesters were allowed in.

On another front, clashes broke out between CSF and protesters. That was near the Saudi embassy, and possibly another way of accessing the Israeli embassy building. Rock throwing and fending off attacks, that was the deal at the back, but not at the main entrance, not where the show was at.

When the flag was taken down, everyone cheered and thought it was over. Those that comfortably traversed the entire building would not stop. They did not think their mission was over. That was the most perplexing part, how were they so comfortable staying there? Why did they not leave after the flag had been taken down? There was one more part of the show to be performed.  Later I heard news of documents flying out from that balcony two floors below where the flag was once raised. They were meaningless documents with Arabic and Hebrew script. There were bills, contracts, invoices; all trifles.

The news spread that the embassy had been breached. This created responses of what a catastrophe it was. The internet world and the media was filled with condemnation of the incident. Then came other sources which said the embassy had not been breached; but the damage had been done. The idea that the embassy had been stormed had spread, and even now, that is the term is being used.

This was a controlled fire of the army’s making. Even the video shows the orchestration. Whether those scaling the building were army privates or used protesters I do not know, but it does not matter much anyway. There is sufficient proof, according to presidential candidate Ayman Noor that one of the instigators of attacks at the Ministry of Interior was a thug usually hired by the MOI themselves and who has burnt down the Al Ghad party premises before. The protesters fended off the attack against the  MOI eventually probably counter to the MOI plan. I would imagine that some of the faces allowed inside the Israeli embassy building will include familiar thugs or perhaps soldiers.

The violence erupted later when a police car ran protesters over, again. This was the real battle, and strangely enough, the police forces managed to fend it off. The idea was to create a scene where chaos prevails, and in time no one will remember what happened first, the violence or the so called breaching of the Israeli embassy. All this was combined with directed media to portray an event that did not take place. I would not be surprised if the Israeli government was well aware of this plan. Their response alludes to that much anyway.

There was no storming of the embassy, there was a storming of Egypt by a group of militant mobsters who aim to keep its riches under their control. There is a plan to keep the people subdued and quell the revolution. Egypt did not breach any of its international agreements, and this protects the army. The papers seem prepared to be dispersed. Yes there was a desire to storm the embassy, and yes there was a desire to expel the ambassador, but there was never a way. The protesters that night couldn’t have taken on the arm but the army were peaceful and welcoming. All this was a play, and only the most ardent of fools in denial will see it as something else.

There was no storm. Mubarakism is still alive.

The Israeli Embassy: Under Friendly Fire?

I will raise my suspicions for now without providing any analysis. I would have most definitely joined the ranks of those celebrating this victory had I thought it was real. I don’t care about the diplomatic ‘incident’, our borders have been breached and our soldiers have been killed. I don’t care about how uncivilized it may seem, our military and police are murderers, torturers and traitors to their people. This is a revolution and our rulers do not represent us. I will not condemn protesters for taking over Maspero, or even the parliament.

A few hundred protesters started tearing down the wall protecting the Israeli embassy. Does it not rouse any suspicion that they were allowed to do so?  The silence of the military in the face of this demolition is uncharacteristic of them.

When I arrived in front of the Israeli embassy, all the walls had been demolished. Beneath us, scores upon scores of military and CSF personnel. A while later, a few ‘protesters’ were seen scaling the building. Only one of them managed to scale 5 floors on his own, the rest went into the building and came out every once in a while on another floor’s balcony. Finally, they were let in the building on the fifth floor. This was the Israeli embassy building, not the neighboring one.

The really suspicious part is that they were in the building for more than 20 minutes before re-emerging again at various locations. Around ten or more were on the roof of the neighboring building and less than 10 were two floors below the Israeli embassy’s penthouse.

What were they doing all this time before re-emerging? How come they had access to most apartments in the building? Who were they?

With some difficulty the climbers returned to the yellow lit flat they’ve taken over below the embassy. Later, I heard news of paper being tossed out.

More questions. Why were those papers being tossed out? Why wasn’t the embassy itself really stormed? Will we ever see those guys who stormed the embassy again?

In one of the interviews, one of the stormers said that he delivered everything to the army, his command. This seems suspicious and raises another question. Why were the military personnel very peaceful with those  protesters but violent with the others just next to the Saudi embassy? Were other protesters trying to storm the embassy building from the other direction?

The most vicious fighting took place after the deed had been done. Could it be that after the desired had been done, the police decided not to risk escalations?

Some foreigners have been targeted. Every time a foreigner is targeted, it spells the old State Security. Does it not seem very characteristic of the regime to blame protesters for what they themselves have been doing? Remember the prisoners that were let go? Remember the police stations that were burnt simultaneously?

I have this strong suspicion that we did not storm the Israeli embassy. This was friendly fire. My suspicion is that this incident is the SCAF’s own Pearl Harbor or 9/11. My hope is that Egyptians don’t fall for it.

Calling in the Dark

Let's call it how it is. The regime has not changed. The idea that the revolution is successful is the biggest adversary to the reality that the revolution is ongoing. The reason I say this is not out of optimism, for that is a quality that I do not truly possess. I say it because we haven’t been beaten yet. As long as there is a will to fight in some of the people who made what we’ve achieved so far possible, then then the revolution is ongoing.

I personally will not accept the status quo. I will not accept slavery. This is what the regime is all about. I do not accept it for myself, and I don’t accept it for others, even if they do. Those advocating slavery cannot free themselves, but rather, need to be set free.  I am no savior, nobody is; but if enough people insist on their freedom, the others will be set free.

I have been set free; set free of my illusions. I am no longer under the impression that a leader in a uniform can save us. I know fully well that salvation comes from within. I have been granted that which many others have not. I have had the opportunity to see other places, to have a good education and to understand intellectual freedom. Don’t ask me to give that up. I won’t anyway.

I am a liberator. Not of everyone, but of myself. I feel liberated when I speak the truth. I feel liberated when I stand for justice. I feel liberated when my actions don’t fall short of the values I believe in.

Today, the SCAF is implementing true Mubarakism at its finest. It’s all of the oppression and misinformation. Today, however, I have become immune to it. I no longer tolerate the injustice of an oppressive regime. I may not have the power to do much about it today, but when I’m given the opportunity I will not be a coward.

I am not a brave person, nor have I ever been idealistic. But I was always capable of putting myself in another’s shoes. This is my blessing and my curse. I have imagined myself, beaten and broken. I have imagined myself unjustly locked up in military prison. I have imagined myself tortured and calling out for help. In my imagination, there has been no comfort but that of a voice calling out from outside the walls, ‘you are not forgotten’. That voice has been a comfort. I cannot help the torture or injustice, they cannot be altered instantly. I need only know that someone out there still remembers me; that I am not nobody. I am someone who exists and does not deserve this injustice.

In my waking hours, I am that voice that calls out ‘you are not forgotten’.  I don’t know who you are, and I don’t know why you’ve had to spend these rough torturous nights, but I am calling out. I know that they can’t hear me, but I’m calling out anyway. I am calling out because in their darkest hour, they must be imagining somebody out there who has not forgotten about them.

I have long resented the SCAF for their pride and their arrogance. They think that they have the right to control millions of people just because of a bank account. Their military trials are as unjust as the emergency law. Their deeds are as dark as their predecessor.  I feel liberated when I call them out on their evil deeds. I may be just a feeble voice calling out in the dark, but I call out because I need to, not because others need me to. I call out because it matters what a person thinks. I call out because I’m free.

The Mubarak Trial: A Theatrical Review

The Mubarak trial, while significant politically must be analyzed by an art critic rather than a political analyst. The spectacle viewed by millions deserves a better review with all the show that’s been put in place for the people. The true nature of the Mubarak trial is that of a stage play and must be evaluated on its theatrical rather than political merits.

Let’s start with the writing. This play has been granted a large amount time for writing. The writing conditions may have been stressful; the protests in May could have attached a sense of urgency, and the 8 July sit-in may have expedited the execution. Yet, this script has been in the kitchen for quite some time so there can be no excuse for the quality of work produced.

The results have not been catastrophic. The script may not be air tight, but was adequate for all intended purposes. The true challenge came with the execution which I dare say, fell below the mark.

That’s not to say that some of the elements of the performance weren’t well executed. The set design, for example, was impeccable. The hall looked like a real court room and the cage within was built with great attention given to the tiniest details such as the spacing between the wires. The costume design was one of the elements to be marveled at. The white track suits were well designed and a perfect fit (at least in one of the episodes). Audio was clear and the picture contained much realism.

Choreography was believable and not forced. Various actors danced their part. However, as any choreographer would tell you, the moves are only half of it, the other half is the dancers themselves. Unfortunately, the dancers were a true disaster.  

Besides a few other minor glitches, acting was the real failing in the whole production. Setting aside the fact that the accused was brought in on a stretcher instead of a wheel chair, the deposed president had too much vigor for someone rumored to be in and out of comas all the time. His strong voice gave way, as if he were reluctantly playing the part. He also fidgeted around in his bed too much for someone being brought in on a stretcher. His movements were numerous, impatient and showed signed of strength that should have been absent. He acted more like a healthy child confined to his bed by protective parents, aching to be released from the clutches of his bed and to go outside and play with his friends.

The ex-president’s sons didn’t do a fine job either. Their faces were healthy and smug and their entire appearance was unconvincing. To make matters worse, Alaa, in a moment of improvisation, broke out of character and revealed his true identity by ordering a camera to stop filming with much authority.

Supporting actors did not help either. The execution was not convincing enough. Characters forgot their roles and saluted the prisoners in a gesture that completely betrayed the authenticity of the entire play. On the one hand, one might defend them by claiming they are not professional actors, but on the other hand, it should not be much of an effort for them considering that this is their real job and the role should be executed with ease.

That’s not to say the play was not an overall success, it was and it was viewed by tens of millions who at the very least appreciated the effort and thought put into this production. It is only that these little glitches that deter a viewer from fully being immersed in the drama and makes the whole story less believable. Here are a few things that would have made the production better.

Had the SCAF not been a dictatorship meddling with the judiciary system, the likelihood of believing this was a real trial would have increased greatly. This is compounded with their reluctance to try Mubarak for a very long time and the constant rumors about his ailing health that was once one of the country’s taboos. Had Mubarak been brought in on a wheel chair rather than a stretcher and had he acted the part, the play would have been more believable.

However the gravest of all flaws lies in the script itself which is devoid of any mystery. The way the case has been built, with evidence stacked very poorly against the deposed president gives away the ending. There has been no effort to stack the evidence in a believable manner to create any form of suspense as to how the play will end. The laws of the country have been set up by the perpetrators themselves to give them protection at any time. The SCAF’s refusal to alter any of these laws undermines the entire show. If there is no conviction, the play will extend as long as the crowd is willing to endure.

SCAF balance sheet at a glance

Source: Ahram Online
The following outlines the major promises pledged by the ruling military council in communiqués on their official Facebook page and widely repeated statements on television and other media outlets.

Promise	Status	Source
Rebuild the church in Atfeeh, Helwan before Easter	Fulfilled	Media Release
Rebuild the churches in Imbaba and compensating for damages	Fulfilled	Communiqué 48
Release of some civilians subjected to military trials	Fulfilled	Communiqués 29, 30,36, 40,55
Investigate Hosni Mubarak and his family	Fulfilled	Communiqué  35
Hold parliamentary elections in September	Broken	Media Releases
Leave power within 6 Months	Broken	Media Releases
To protect protests and protesters	Broken	Communiqués 1, 68 and others
Answer queries within 24 hours	Broken	Communiqué  2
Execute necessary reforms that meet the legitimate demands and aspirations of the Egyptian people	Unfulfilled	Communiqué  6
Take all necessary precautions to ensure military police does not deal violently with protesters	Broken	Communiqué  22
Release all arrested on 25 February	Broken	Communiqué  23
Presidential Elections will not be postponed to 2012	Unfulfilled	Communiqué  28
Investigation into the torture of female protesters and taking corrective actions	Broken	Communiqué  29
Military trials only used for acts of thuggery	Broken	Communiqués  30, 68
Bring those involved in corruption and killers of protesters quickly to justice, return stolen wealth and equality of citizens before the law	Broken	Communiqué  31
Investigate Zamalek vs African match events	Unfulfilled	Communiqué  32
Egyptian media has the complete freedom to discuss any topic, military never interferes	Broken	Communiqué  42
Egyptians abroad to vote in next elections	Unfulfilled	Communiqué  49
Retry all youth subjected to military trials	Unfulfilled	Communiqué  50
Investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry	Unfulfilled	Communiqué  53
Take the side of revolutionary youth	Unknown	Media Releases; numerous Communiqués

Egypt's Supreme Military Council: promises kept, broken, deferred

The following are the main pledges made by the ruling military council in communiqués on their official Facebook page and in widely repeated statements on television and via other media outlets.



Fulfilled promises


“Rebuild the church in Atfeeh, Helwan before Easter”
In early March, the church in Sol, Atfeeh in the governorate of Helwan was set ablaze and demolished as a result of sectarian tensions. After mass protests, the armed forces pledged to rebuild the church before Easter. The task was completed on time and the new church is said to be finer than what preceded it.
Status: Fulfilled; Source: Media release

“Rebuild the churches in Imbaba and compensate for damages”
Early May marked another case of sectarian violence when a church in Imbaba was attacked and set ablaze. The clashes resulted in several deaths and numerous injuries. The army once again promised to rebuild the church and pay damages. The church on Wehda Street in Imbaba was rebuilt and some compensation was paid to owners whose shops were damaged.
Status: Fulfilled; Source: Communiqué 48

“Release of some civilians subjected to military trials”
Civilians mentioned by name in official SCAF communiqués have all been released. Those the SCAF promised to release or retry are Mohamed Adel Mohamed Fawzy, Amr Eissa, Waleed Samy Saad, Ahmed Abdel Meguid as well as 120 others arrested on 9 March.
Status: Fulfilled; Source: Communiqués 29, 30, 36, 40, 55

“Investigate Hosni Mubarak and his family”
It has taken a lot of public pressure to see Mubarak and his sons caged in a court room. This is one of the promises by the ruling military council that has been fulfilled.
Status: Fulfilled; Source Communiqué 35



Unfulfilled promises


“Hold parliamentary elections in September”
According to many sources, the parliamentary elections have been pushed back to November.
Status: Broken; Source: Media releases

“Leave power within six months”
Despite their promise to hand over power within six months, the ruling military council has chosen to remain in power, with no other date for departure announced.
Status: Broken; Source: Media releases

“To protect protests and protesters”
The very first promise to protect protesters was broken several times. Today, the promise seems permanently broken with SCAF and Central Security Forces (CSF) taking over Tahrir Square without explanation.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 1, 68, others

“Answer all queries within 24 hours”
In its message to the Egyptian people communicating via Facebook, the military council promised to answer all queries within 24 hours starting from 17 February 2011. The silence of the SCAF regarding many issues is in direct violation of the promise it pledged without coercion.
Status: Broken; Source:  Communiqué 2

“Execute necessary reforms that meet the legitimate demands and aspirations of the Egyptian people”
This promise followed Mubarak’s overthrow, amidst apprehension from Egyptians as to how the military will respond to the demands of the people. This promise seems unfulfilled in many ways. There has been no adequate reform in the ministry of interior, the police or state media. On the contrary, many actions taken seem in opposition of people’s demands such as resorting to military trials and passing a law that criminalises strikes and sit-ins. Furthermore there has been no real reform in the legislative system which remains inadequate at fulfilling justice demanded by the Egyptian people. The SCAF may have misunderstood people’s demands or has not been competent enough to execute the reforms necessary as was promised.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 6

“Take all necessary precautions to ensure the military police does not deal violently with protesters”
Communiqué 22 was issued on 26 February after the violent dispersion of protesters on the night of 25 February when calling for the resignation of then-Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq. The message was for the most part a confession and an apology for breaking the promise in Communiqué 1. It also contained a promise to take all necessary precautions so that such events were not repeated. What were these measures? How could these measures have been taken if the military police are present at every protest? Indeed, the measures have proven inadequate judging by events like 9 March, 8 April  and 1 August where violence and torture were reported.
Status: Broken; Source Communiqué 22

“Release all those arrested on 25 February”
Despite the promise, there is the well known case of Amr El-Behairy who was sentenced to five years imprisonment. Amr El-Behairy was arrested on the night of 25 February despite numerous witnesses attesting he was unarmed and innocent of charges brought against him. Others were released, but because not all were released to date; this promise can be marked as broken.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 23

“Presidential elections will not be postponed to 2012”
On 27 March, the SCAF denied the postponement of presidential elections to 2012. While technically this denial cannot be proven false until the end of the year, it seems so far that presidential elections have in fact been postponed to 2012.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 28

“Investigation into the torture of female protesters and taking corrective actions”
This was pledged by the ruling military council on 28 March in reference to the events of 9 March when the sit-in at Tahrir Square was dispersed violently with reports of mass arrests and torture in the vicinity of the Egyptian Museum. The "torture" also refers to the virginity tests done on females as reported and documented by El-Nadeem Centre for Victims of Torture, Amnesty International, The Washington Post and CNN. To date, none of the officers involved have been held accountable, which adds this to the list of promises broken by the ruling military council.
Status: Broken; Source Communiqué 29

“Military trials only used for acts of thuggery”
This promise, while implicit in many of the media releases, was explicitly stated on 28 March in Communiqué 30 while ordering the release of artist Amr Eissa. Yet many have been arrested and referred to military courts without any adequate evidence and have been proven not to be thugs. The fact that activists have been referred to military trials before and after the communiqué is strong proof that this promise has been broken.
Status: Broken; Source Communiqués 30, 68

“Bring those involved in corruption and killers of protesters quickly to justice, return stolen wealth, and equality of citizens before the law”
On 2 April, the armed forces pledged to treat citizens on the basis of equality and promised quick justice. Yet protesters alleged to be "thugs" were tried swiftly in military courts while members of the old regime and killers of protesters were given slow civilian trials. Justice was postponed indefinitely for most of the cases, including the murder of prisoners during the 10 days from 28 January. No serious steps have been taken to retrieve any Egyptian money abroad.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 31

“Investigate Zamalek vs African Club match events”
On a side note, the military council issued vowed to investigate the events of the match between Egypt’s Zamalek club and Tunisia’s African Club where riots took place after Zamalek’s defeat. We have yet to hear the results of these investigations.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 32

“Egyptian media has the complete freedom to discuss any topic; the military never interferes”
On 27 April, the military council claimed that the Egyptian media has complete freedom to discuss whatever topic it chooses. This came at a time after a note had been circulated to all media outlets by General Ismail Etman of SCAF dated 22 March asking them not to publish anything related to the army without approval. This also comes at a time when an on-air programme with presidential candidate Bothaina Kamel was ordered to end prematurely only a few days after the communiqué had been issued. Combined with the summoning of media personnel for questioning, such as activist Hossam El-Hamalawy, TV presenter Reem Maged and journalist Rasha Azab for statements made on television and in the press, this statement becomes one of the most prominent promises broken by the ruling military council.
Status: Broken; Source: Communiqué 42

“Egyptians abroad to vote in next elections”
This is unfulfilled rather than broken, not because we can determine whether it will happen or not, but because no steps have been publicised revealing that the mechanism will be put in place, especially in absence of an electronic voting system. Until we learn more about plans to implement such a promise, this remains an unfulfilled promise.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source Communiqué 49

“Retry all youth subjected to military trials”
On 13 May the military council promised to retry all revolutionary youth, especially those arrested during the months of March and April. A part of this promise has been fulfilled as a direct result of other communiqués. Although a great part of the prisoners arrested on 9 March were released on 18 May, the promise leaves much to be desired. There are over 12,000 civilians tried in military courts. The court conditions have not guaranteed any fairness and despite the promise of this communiqué, many remain in military prisons until today.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source: Communiqué 50

“Investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry”
Ramy Fakhry was a 27-year-old Coptic electrical engineer who was allegedly killed by the army on his way to work on 13 May 2011. Despite the promise to investigate his death, we have yet to hear the results of the investigation.
Status: Unfulfilled; Source Communiqué 53

“Take the side of the revolutionary youth”
The army has stated that it has taken the side of the revolution and revolutionary youth. Communiqué 69, however, accuses the 6 April Movement of creating a rift between the army and the people. The accusations are devoid of substance, while allegations of foreign funding were used as means to defame the group. Meanwhile, it is known that SCAF accepts foreign funds from numerous sources, including the US. If the 6 April Movement was acting against the best interests of the country, the military should have come forward with evidence. If not, do these accusations not cast doubt on claims that the military has indeed taken the side of the revolutionary youth?
Status: Unknown; Source: Media releases and numerous communiqués


Source: Ahram Online 

More Conspiracy Theories

The most worrying thing about Amr Mostafa isn’t what he says, but that there are numerous others just like him. I stumbled across this blog post. Believe it or not, this person has a decent job and is considered educated. Can you imagine how many others are out there? These are the literate people.


Here is a short summary for those who don’t know Arabic and don’t want to be bothered going to google translate, or don’t want to be infuriated. This s a fictional scenario where the owner of the blog imagines meeting some revolutionary friend and opens his mind to the conspiracy theory that the US, Israel and Iran are behind the revolution together with Iran and Israel. He describes revolutionaries as marionettes whose strings are being pulled by foreign agendas. To top this off, he claims that revolutionaries are the ones who killed other protesters and police officers and they are the ones that should be tried.

The trouble with the post is that it is so pompous and arrogant, and makes the ignorance all the more painful.

To recap, Israel, Iran and the United States all agreed together that the one thing they needed to do was create a revolution. The US backed 6 of April movement and Iran backed the Muslim Brotherhood. Iran, we can understand, but the US and Israel?

So, they gave up their greatest ally, Mubarak, because ... he wasn't giving them gas? or because he wasn’t contributing to the Gaza blockade? Or because he was making sure Egypt never does what America tells it to do? Or maybe because we were very advanced in technology and intel and Microsoft were threatened? Or maybe because everyone is jealous of Egypt?

These Americans must be stupid to agree with the Iranians, their sworn enemy to remove Mubarak, their greatest treasure.

Also, the mathematics is brilliant, while the Muslim Brotherhood could only afford mass protests for one day costing them millions, the US, besides funding the dictatorship has lots of billions to spare to work AGAINST the regime they’re supporting... Not to mention Iran who have little to spare anyway, and Israel who just doesn’t want free gas anymore

Oh America, it really is a land of opportunity, funding governments and protests against it. I'm glad the April 6 guys extorted them.

So the whole revolution was their making, right? They're very clever you know, they killed Khaled Said, forged the forensic reports and insisted that his killers not be tried for murder. They also forged elections as part of the plan to infuriate people. They also put snipers up on rooftops and they were dressed in army clothes that did virginity checks on 19 women and tortured numerous others. They were also in charge of the church bombings of Alexandria on New Year’s and they caused the mass protests against that in Shubra, Mansheyet Nasser and near Maspero.

Our government on the other hand, didn't deserve to be pushed out, because it didn't do anything. However some might argue that being incompetent enough to allow ALL of that to happen is reason enough, but no… we’re the marionettes not those taking billions of dollars of funding from the US.

Israel infiltrated our policemen too, they sent in the camels, horses, snipers and thugs and we're all marionettes playing to their tune… even our government. Our government tried to warn us you know, telling us these attacks were coming. They couldn’t fend off the Israeli spies on Camels though, that’s why our beloved army was ordered not to interfere.

Sometimes I wonder how stupid one has to be not to actually believe this nonsense. I’m an advocate of engaging people with a different point of view and I generally have the patience to hear it out and see things differently. But with such level of insipidness how does one even start? I draw the line when someone is unable to recognize a contradiction, or admit it to themselves.

He Who Wins the War

History has a way of changing over time. By the time historians are done with it, it may hardly resemble what really happened. This is not the case for all of history, but perhaps when there is a battle of sorts. The history of our revolution will be written largely depending on the outcome of this war, which we have not yet won.

It has taken the regime six months to recover from the devastating blow delivered by the people in the Jan 25 revolution. It was knocked down but not knocked out. It’s up again with full force, responding to our earlier blow. Make no mistake, the SCAF is the backbone of the corrupt regime we continue to live with today.

Past regime figures are re-emerging, telling us false tales of what we saw unfold before our eyes. Figures like Osama Saray, the editor and chief of the venomous Ahram, are emerging to tell us fantasies of what they did during the revolution. Hossam Badrawy, briefly head of NDP, is emerging to give us a dramatization of the last days of Mubarak. State Security is working full throttle too. The amount of videos defaming activists and the revolution are increasingly worrying. The media is full of falsified facts accusing April 6 Movement , revolutionaries are being tried in military courts, and there are no signs that the rulers are in any way supporting the values of the revolution.

It has taken the regime six months to come up with its version of the truth. Now it’s trying to sell it to Egyptians once again, trying to tell them that what they saw wasn’t true. They’re back there, playing victim. No, it was some foreign hand, they tell us, that caused the revolution as if we had nothing to complain about before it, as though the foreign hands were in charge of corruption, murder and misinformation. They’re trying to tell us that some unknown elements killed protesters, as though Khaled Said wasn’t killed at the hand of the police force, as if the forensic reports were not forged to get the culprits off the hook. They’re trying to tell us Mubarak was in the dark, as if he were not a dictator who ripped the country apart and deprived us of our freedoms.

They’re trying to retell the story we just told. They’re trying to take away our victories, as though we’re not entitled to even that. They even want to deprive us of the place that symbolized the collapse of their leader and our dictator. They’re trying to take back everything we gained through truth with their lies.

The good news is that we’re fighting back and we’re writing our own history. We hold some ground despite some defeats. We’re still hanging in there. The bad news is that they might succeed in the end. Remember how Mohamed Naguib was erased from history books? Remember how Nasser was glorified? Remember how King Farouk was defamed?

The regime might succeed because they control the tools necessary for writing history. They control media, state TV, weapons, books and they have all sorts of powers. We, on the other hand, possess only the truth. But the truth isn’t always enough. The truth needs the tools, needs the medium and it needs belief.

Our truth will be buried if we do not fight for it. It seems that those we aimed to bring down are taking credit for the revolution today. They remain at their posts and pretending they revolted against corruption and injustice. We have no choice but to win, because as the saying goes, “He who wins the war, writes the history."

Why Next Elections Won't Matter

At what point exactly did the revolution become about elections? What started out as a call for freedom, justice, dignity and economic reform is transformed into calls for elections and nothing else. The most common rhetoric goes something like, “Now we’ll have elections and we’ll get the democracy you asked for, what more do you want?”

But our calls weren’t for elections, they were for democracy and there’s a big difference. Democracy is a way of life, not an action performed once every five years. The answer to my first question: the point at which the revolution became about elections is when we thought we had successfully brought down there regime. The talk became about elections because we thought we had brought down injustice, tyranny, thuggery and gave value to the Egyptian’s dignity. The idea was that there were no more such battles to fight (not so vehemently anyway) and that the military was just an interim ruler with no hidden agenda.

It follows that if we have not successfully changed the regime, elections will not guarantee democracy, because they never have. Where have the elections of the old regime got us?

One then must establish that the regime is still intact. It seems such a claim hardly need establishment, but for the sake of argument, let’s assume the regime has changed. What are the characteristics of the new regime? How does it differ from the old? Will the changes or similarities guarantee democracy or at the very least free and fair elections?

The old regime manipulated state media to spread venomous lies. They censored television programs and newspapers and used their security apparatus to clamp down on anyone trying to disseminate information that threatens the regime. Currently all media is monitored by the current rulers. Anything that may portray these rulers as they truly are is punished, banned or reprimanded. In the event of news that incriminates the army, the presenters are summoned for questioning. How could there be free and fair elections when lies propagated in state media are so predominant? How will Egyptians be informed when rulers are creating news to match their objectives?

The old regime clamped down on protests whenever people called for their rights. They made arbitrary arrests through the use of plain clothed thugs and held people in prison without trail under the emergency law. Not only did one experience injustice but one was not allowed to even object to it. There was a constant violation of human rights in all forms. The current regime has gone even further by criminalizing protests. They have arrested protesters and illegally tried close to 10,000 in military courts without a fair trial in just six months. The sentences handed out were up to 15 years. They have tortured protesters and performed virginity tests on female protesters (a form of torture) and have not been held accountable. At the time of writing, CSF and military forces are banning entry to Tahrir, ensuring that the human right of freedom of assembly is violated.

The old regime relied on thugs to intimidate and hurt voters and citizens. They always had the backing of a political party that claims the governing of the country is impeccable. Other puppet opposition gave legitimacy to the corrupt state.

The events of Abbaseya on 23 July prove without doubt that the rulers are willing to hire more thugs than ever before and even protect them with our armed forces and central security forces. In addition, they created a new way of recruiting citizens to do their dirty work. They spread rumors about unarmed protesters inciting citizens to hurt them or even kill them. These injustices and violations have the support of the foremost, most organized political party today, the Muslim Brotherhood, along with other factions such as Salafis and old opposition. How can we not expect thuggery and intimidation during elections?

It seems to me that the current regime is more brutal than the previous regime, if not a vicious mutation or extension. So how is this regime really any different from the former and what evidence is there that supports the claim that the next elections are guaranteed to lead us to democracy or at the very least be free and fair? (Don’t tell me the people)

That is why elections won’t matter. It’s the same system with different players and new labels. If we don’t fight for democracy, elections won’t mean a thing.

Mubarak’s Trial – Never Lose Heart

Seeing Mubarak in a cage, being tried through the will of the people is one of the greatest testimonies to the revolution. Only the most ardent of skeptics could claim that Mubarak would have showed up in court on 3 August if it wasn’t for the 8 July sit-in. It wasn’t the Islamists who came out on a very short burst and went back home before the day’s end, it wasn’t the SCAF who has unjustly tried over 10,000 people in military courts, it wasn’t the passive people who did nothing but criticize. They were the brave protesters of the July 8 sit-in. This is a great triumph for protesters in the face of adversity from the most powerful people in the country.

Before seeing Mubarak in court, I hadn’t really cared for what would become of this farcical trial, but then it hit me. We did it; we forced a tyrant into court despite being surrounded with his own people. We fought our way through traps and snares to come out on top.

I am still certain that the SCAF has no real intention of brining Mubarak to justice and when the pressure eases, they’ll go back to their old tricks. But we have forced them into this, they can pretend all they want that it isn’t real or that they’re in control, but part of it will always be real. They are now performing to please the crowd. No matter what happens afterwards, we brought a president we deposed to court and we demanded justice. This can’t be taken from us.

I must confess the events of the past few days wore me down. I was inclined to let it all go and try the all-comforting blindness of denial. I too can ignore the facts or fit them to my conclusions. I too can fain superiority and pretend to be above it all because both sides are mistaken. I too can condemn without knowing, can pick up and drive to the North coast and pretend that what I believe about the matter doesn’t matter.

My deep sorrow resulted from grave injustices experienced around us. It was exacerbated by the smear campaign against the sit-in and protesters. The large show of muscle by Islamists on Friday 29 July, and people’s insistence on not seeing it for what it is, troubled me. I sincerely believed in the 8 July sit-in and felt the demands were necessary to move forward. We were accused, defamed and degraded by people around us. To make matters worse, people cheered as Tahrir square was violently evacuated.

At the height of my temptation, I was reminded by a friend what it means to hold on. Without him even knowing how I felt, he sent me a message encouraging me to endure. I was reminded how much comfort I felt being around like minded individuals who held on to the closest thing possible to the truth. I was reminded of the sorrow that fills me when someone gives up on it.

The July 8 sit-in triumphed. It brought Mubarak to Cairo in a cage, it pressured the SCAF not to try the protesters it violently evacuated in a military court, it took the moral high ground. At a time when citizens were calling for execution of protesters, the protesters called for fair trials of their oppressors. The difference between citizens and protesters they were mad at was that citizens want selfish forms of justice while protesters want justice for all. At a time when the SCAF were spreading rumors about 6 April and protesters peacefully heading to the Ministry of Defense, the protesters spoke the truth and courageously soldiered on into the venomous trap set up by the SCAF, the police and armed thugs. The protesters proved beyond a doubt they are the better people, not those of the police, not those of the armed forces and not those who do nothing but criticize.

If there is one thing I must constantly remind myself of, it’s to choose the right side, not necessarily the winning side. There are far too many people around us that need us to keep the faith and never lose heart. There are so many strangers that are closer to us than people we see every day. We need to hold on to what we feel is right for one another. We must stand for justice when we can, because when injustice catches up with us, others will stand up for us too. We’re in troubling times when things too quickly get too dark, but no matter what, never lose heart.

The Great Divide

Instead of ranting on about things we don’t know, I’ll list the things we do. There is a great divide within Egypt. The truth is bitter. We’re in the same dictatorship, the Islamic factions are on the rise, people are sedated and revolutionaries are alone yet again. Tahrir has replaced the steps of the journalist syndicate, where a few warriors soldier on and the rest of the people are oblivious to what is truly happening.

People are tired; they’ve been dragged into a revolution they could have done without and with the heat, and with Ramadan, the situation has become unbearable. The businessmen are sick of not doing real business, they’re in limbo. If it’s a free market economy, so be it, if it’s a dictatorship, they need to know who’s running the show so they get down to business. The Copts resent the revolution because the Islamists are gaining ground. The Muslims aegypt, life, politicsre sick of what’s become of the revolution because it slows down Islamists from coming to power.

The liberals and the leftists want real change and policies that will ensure a democratic process and they are hoping for education to enlighten the people politically. The Islamists are happy to use religion as a political tool to mobilize masses. The SCAF is happy to let the whole thing burn as long as the pay off from Washington to protect Israel’s interests does not stop.

This is a great part of the truth, but the divide does not come from the truth, but from denial. There is a denial that prevents real unity. It is those little things around the truth such as intentions and interpretations that are causing the great divide.

Let me start with the revolutionaries, as others will take more offence to what I will be pointing out. Public support and international pressure is what aids a sit-in or protest. Without these, there is no winning, especially when up against an army of sinister men. There is great value in resilience, but the environment has to be conducive to this resilience. The lies of State TV work and Egyptians are alienated because of their lack of political foresight.

As for the masses, almost everyone knows that the sit-in that started on 8 July has nothing to do with security or our economy, yet many delude themselves into thinking that people there are spies, take money and are the cause of the economic problem. They are in denial that the SCAF is punishing Egyptians for the sit-in and that the regime we aimed to bring down is still alive.

Many of the moderate Muslims are in denial that the so called ‘Islamists’ are no representatives of Islam at all. Islamists have proven aggressive, deceitful and have a history of back stabbing anyone they’ve made a deal with. Many tend to forget that the Muslim Brotherhood sold out the Egyptian people to the English back in the day. They tend to forget that Islamic groups pick up arms in order to control other people’s lives. They tend to imagine that a few hundred thousand showed up at different cities at the same time, shouting the same slogans in defiance to prior agreement and left at the same time without it being orchestrated.

The Islamic groups being hunted down for ages and imprisoned are in denial that they are supporting the same injustices inflicted upon them. They hail the military ruler whose unjust sentences destroyed the lives of at least 7000 Egyptians from 28 Jan to date.

So much more denied, so much more. That is the real reason of the divide. It’s easy to listen to State TV and get the simple convenient lie that everything is fixed. It’s so much easier than finding out the troubling truth by reading between the lines and asking the right questions. It’s much easier to believe that the coming elections will be fair without any real evidence than to imagine the day where everything is bought and rigged again. It’s much easier to believe that our protectors are really protecting us than to believe that we’re being betrayed by corrupt men in uniforms.

It’s much easier to believe that those who were hurt deserved it and that it could never happen to you. It’s much easier to believe that you would now be respected in a country that robbed you of dignity, than think that you’re a voice that they want silenced if you speak the truth. It’s easier to believe that others don’t understand things the way you do, and that they’re deluded by one thing or another than it is to carefully examine all the facts and really listen to what others have to say.

It’s easy to have beliefs that oversimplify the truth and put your mind to rest, but the easiest of them all is to believe that it’s not your battle, that your choices will not make a difference; that they will do whatever they want anyway. The easiest thing is to believe that speaking up will not change a thing, and that it’s someone else’s responsibility to make things right.