Why Ikhwan Protests Won’t Work

The building guard explained to me how one of the protesters pointed a gun at him and shot at the building. The building’s glass door had been shattered with rocks. I didn’t believe the guard when he told me they had shot at them, but he told me that the holes the bullets left were still there. I asked him to show me, and he did.

Alleged bullet hole

On 6 October 2013, I saw a small part of the clashes between residents of the Dokki area and pro MB protesters. There was a lot of anger, but that anger was not just directed at security forces, it was directed at the entire country, with all that it entails. The Muslim Brotherhood supporters were angry at streets. They destroyed the advertisements and statues in their anger. They pelted rocks at residents of the area and they destroyed private property. 

There are many reasons why the Muslim Brotherhood won’t win back the people and they sprouts from one cause. They care little for anything beyond their own group. Their ultimate goal is not to establish a democratic form of rule but to restore their own flavor of oppression. They accept that people will be oppressed anyway, so why not through the autocratic decisions of the General Guide? 

The other point they’ve managed to emphasize is that they do not respect citizens. They have opened fire on Egyptians in their neighborhoods and needlessly destroyed their property. 

In a famous tale about Solomon, two women were arguing over whose son a new born baby was. In order to settle the dispute, Solomon asked the baby be cut in half and each half be given to the women. One woman agreed and the other would not allow her baby to die. The MB are acting like the woman who wanted to cut the baby in half. 

The MB’s strategies and ideas have all been targeting the economy. However, people will not choose to go back to their oppressive rule through coercion. They continue to represent oppression. Apart from incitement against Christians and opening fire at citizens, their peaceful ideas were along the lines of on riding the metro all day to cause congestion and stalling their cars on the road.

That’s not to say that supporting the army irrespective of how they act is the support of democracy. You can be against the military takeover and not be a Brotherhood supporter, but in this case you would never use the Rabaa symbol.

The new faces of the regime understand that there's been a shift in public behavior, they'll try to account for that in their decisions. The true danger now is that the military players are better at shifting public position rather than what they’ve done in the past which is disregard it.

The MB are paying the price for supporting the military ever since 2011. To some it looked as if they were placating the military in order to oppose them, but they were placating the revolutionaries to quell revolutionary fervor. The single most damaging move against the revolution was siding with SCAF and MB were the stars of that movement. They never represented the revolution. SCAF would have conceded many things if they found no political cover, but Islamists were happy to give them that.

In 2013 the military intervened on behalf of itself not the people. Their other option was siding with tyrannical MB, which would have been a losing gamble since the street had turned against the MB enough to compromise security control over Egypt had they sided with them.

In the revolutionary camp, many had warned the MB numerous times that SCAF would turn on them, but they thought they knew better. They always thought they knew better. MB were strongly persuaded to side with people not the men with guns, but they chose to make their pacts with the institutions that had all the guns. (That same warning applies to figures cozy with the military)

Today, after they were removed from power, the MB’s obstinacy continues to push a narrative that is implausible and unacceptable is hardening people's hearts against them. MB supporters seem to have strict instructions: It's about the coup, it's not about our crimes...keep pushing that rhetoric.

The nail in their coffin however can well be the revolutionary forces that they’ve come to alienate, not only during their rule but the ones that have sided with their rights as humans following Morsi’s removal. There are many who have been openly critical of the police for the brutal dispersal of Rabaa. They are met with an onslaught of attacks for not siding enough with the Muslim Brotherhood. One such example is Khaled Dawoud, the spokesman of the National Salvation Front (NSF) who was later stabbed by ‘anti-coup’ protesters. 

All the Brotherhood had to do is offer the one thing that can possibly placate these forces, the truth in the form of an honest apology. Yet the Muslim Brotherhood stubbornly clings to illogical arguments and evasions. 

The targeting of those siding with MB’s rights as not being enough is alienating and through continuous obstinacy the MB is ridding itself from shackles of empathy or sympathy that may have played out in their favor on the long run.

In the end, Egypt doesn’t win. The continued stand-off between two oppressive forces may weaken real civil opposition. According to Farag Fouda, in the absence of that, the Islamists and the military will continue to toy with Egyptians till that changes. 

The answer does not lie in a brutal crackdown. Cracking down on MB while welcomed by the masses, is not a sign that the regime has changed to the better.

On the Question of Civil War in Egypt

There won't be a civil war. 

Muslim Brotherhood members aren't trained to fight with weaponry on a mass scale. They're ordinary people who can be overly zealous or violent at times, like most other Egyptian citizens. But even if they pick up arms, who will the Muslim Brotherhood fight? They're not fighting Christians or Shiaa or any specific group, they're fighting the people, most of them anyway. 

Any fight the Brotherhood chooses will be the state against people, it can't be classified as a civil war. Also if ever the Muslim Brotherhood supporters pick up arms, it means the military is allowing it, which means that it's still state sponsored violence not a civil war. However such a scenario is highly unlikely because the army will not allow the state's monopoly on organized armed violence to escape it nor will the police for that matter. Furthermore the real indication of a civil war would be splits in the army which are highly unlikely considering the nature of the military. 

So those warning of a civil war, please think.

Why Morsi is No Longer President

Muslim Brotherhood supporters have lectured everyone about protecting ‘legitimacy’, but what legitimacy are they talking about? Is it of the state? Is it of the institutions? Or is it Morsi?

The Shura council which continues to issue contentious laws has been declared illegitimate by the constitutional court. The constituent assembly was illegitimately protected by Morsi with a constitutional declaration that was not backed by a popular referendum.  The constitution itself has a weak mandate with a very weak showing and a not even two thirds of a yes vote that was required inside the assembly itself overshadowed with grave irregularities, instability and at times tampering.

We’re left with  Morsi, the ‘legitimate’ president whose hairline victory his opponent with the weakest possible mandate of under 52 per cent.  But even if we were to acknowledge the legitimacy of such a process can we still consider Morsi a legitimate president today?

Here are a few reasons why Morsi lost his legitimacy.

Breech of contract
There is a difference between performing poorly in a job and breeching a contract. The presidency’s mandate is to serve the people not a specific group. When law is used as a tool for oppression, when activists are kidnapped and tortured to death, when prisons are used to eliminate opposition rather than harbour convicted criminals, it becomes a breech of contract.  There are numerous promises made by the president which he broke. The easiest to point to are the 100 days promises, a representative constituent assembly and a consensus constitution. All these promises have been broken.

Minority Rights
Minority rights are an indication of how successful a democracy is. Under Morsi, minorities have been even more marginalized and discriminated against. Instead of going into details about how Shia’a, women and Copts are being side-lined, we can see clearly where Morsi went wrong. In April 2013, Egyptian police attacked and aided an attack on the Coptic Cathedral of St. Mark. This was a state sponsored attack, and no one was held to account. It was a deviation from the democratic mandate colossal enough to depose any ruler.

Impunity and Police Brutality
Police brutality ignited mass public protests in 25 January 2011. Yet under Morsi, the police continues to act with impunity and is arguably even more brutal than before. Failing to address this, Morsi becomes an extension to a regime that has already been deligitimized by the people.

Manipulating Judiciary
Instead of cleansing the judiciary, Morsi has tried to manipulate and abuse it by appointing a lying minister of justice and a biased public prosecutor.  The minister of justice lied about a forensic report and the public prosecutor asked innocents to be locked up without a formal charge.

Undemocratic Rule
Ikhwan supporters brag about the will of the people bringing Morsi to power, yet that will is completely ignored by the president. None of the people’s demands have been met or listened to effectively. This complete disregard for input provided by many of the people who elected Morsi and even those who did not is reason enough for people to decide to give the responsibility to someone else. Furthermore, in absence of a parliament, no decisions are taken with participation from any other party. There is no power sharing and what’s worse no indication that there is a will to change that.

New Constitution
A new constitution should change the conditions under which a president was elected. There are new inputs which may change people’s decision about who they want as president based on the newly drawn role. The president’s job description changed therefore annulling his election.

Guidance Bureau
Since Morsi does not take any of the decisions on his own anyway, he is not the person people elected and therefore when people do not get who they elected, it is enough of a reason to put in place someone else that they choose.

Alienating Everyone
Numerous factions of society have been alienated by Morsi’s policies. These include farmers, workers, judges, doctors and even the police. When policemen committed to protecting the regime chant ‘Down with the General Guide’s rule’, this is an indication of deeply rooted sentiments that cannot be ignored.

Lying
On its own, lying once to the people is enough of a reason to remove any president from power. Morsi was caught lying beyond any reasonable doubt. This is not only about promises he broke like his 100 day campaign promises, nor about policy shifts like his position on the emergency law which he changed. This is also about lying to the people before the elections in order  to get elected. Before being elected, Morsi lied about working in NASA as a consultant, then lied again denying he ever said it.  He lied to the Egyptian people in a public statement claiming that the prosecution had obtained confessions of protesters being funded by opposition. Lies about the history of a presidential candidate delegitimizes him once they've been uncovered, and they have.

(Note: Although I’ve offered 9 reasons why Morsi is no longer president, I resisted calling the article ‘9 Reasons Why Morsi is No Longer President’ I must confess I have a slight distaste for such titles stemming from their repetition yet I also  find them alluring and would probably read something which had such a title)

Street Wars on a Hill: An Eyewitness Testimony

[The following is an eyewitness testimony covering some of the events that happened on 22 March 2013 near the Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters in al-Moqattam area. First published in Jadaliyya.]

[Clashes near Muslim Brotherhood's headquarters in Moqattam on 22 March 2012. Photo by Mostafa Sheshtawy]

Having missed the march to the Muslim Brotherhood (MB)’s headquarters in al-Moqattam, I arrived late to the site of the protests. There had been reports of clashes at al-Nafoora (Fountain) square, one of the most used entrances to the area of al-Moqattam located at the west end of the district and closest to downtown. Reaching the protest area was difficult, because pro-Muslim Brotherhood supporters controlled the main entry point or at least rendered it inaccessible for some time.

I arrived a little after 5 pm from the east end of Road 9, the main road in al-Moqattam. As we drove through, we saw groups of men ascending on foot. We assumed they were MB supporters as there were no women, flags, or signs in their procession. Along Road 9, I encountered a more vibrant march with a greater cross-section of protesters chanting against the MB, saying “Morsi, your day will come.” They were from al-Zelzal (“earthquake”) area of the district and were part of one of the many processions that came from that area.

Heavy presence of MB supporters blocking the road prevented us from reaching the guidance office. In order to get through to the protest area we waited for the anti-MB march. As the march approached the blocked road protesters attempted to charge MB supporters, throwing rocks to make way. MB responded in kind but they were eventually pushed back. Shortly thereafter, shotguns sounded from the MB side echoing continuously. Protesters were pushed back as flying rocks filled the sky.

As clashes continued, we attempted to get closer to the area of protest by driving through numerous back alleys, many of which were closed off by residents of the neighborhood. As we made our way closer to the protest area, we asked one of many individuals standing next to a bonfire in a dark street where we were at and what was happening. He responded that he was in his balcony when police started attacking protesters unprovoked and that he was not sure why they had done that.

The protest area was at the intersection of Road 9 and Road 10, which leads to the guidance office. Having finally reached an area within walking distance from the main protesting area, the scene was dark and full of smoke. The lights on Road 9 were off and illumination came from several shop signs and bonfires. Protesters were gathered on Road 9 before the intersection, chanting, and socializing. They began moving away slowly when tear gas canisters landed close to where they were standing. Police continuously fired tear gas, and occasionally sound bombs. When police fired more frequently people responded by chanting louder “People want to bring down the regime.”  Many women were present walking to and from the front lines.

Police vans on Road 10 were near the intersection and behind them were several interspersed lines of Central Security Forces (CSF) troops. A few protesters were on Road 10 at the intersection, but they were mostly throwing back tear gas canisters back in the direction of the police.

Tear gas was fired indiscriminately with numerous gas canisters falling inside the residents’ balconies and protesters pointing their laser guns at the smoke coming out of them. A field hospital was set up beneath Al-Dostoor party’s headquarters on Road 9 close to the clashes.

A nearby cafe was full of anti-MB protesters. Conversations indicated that protesters were feeling positive about the protests, sensing they have succeeded in delivering a blow despite not being able to reach the guidance office. The protesters were also determined to continue protesting against the MB.

A police APC chased protesters on Road 9 as we watched from the cafe. By 9 pm, numbers were dwindling, yet tear gas continued to fill the air. As we drove out of Moqattam, we saw protesters stopping buses that looked like they belong to MB. The street leading out of Al-Nafora square was laden with rocks and glass.

Year of the SCAF: a time-line of mounting repression

This article was initially published in Ahram Online on 11 February 2012. It is an amended version of the article entitled 'SCAF: A brief history of injustice' published 10 November 2011. Republishing it today in remembrance of past injustices at the hands of Armed Forces as they continue under the Muslim Brotherhood.

The revolutionary overthrow of Mubarak brought Egypt under the sway of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), who pledged to protect the revolution and realise its objectives. A year on, Ahram Online reviews the record

A year has passed since the military assumed power when president Hosni Mubarak was ousted in February last year. But is Egypt any closer to the freedom and justice it sought when its people rose up against the Mubarak regime?

The ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces(SCAF) has implicitly acknowledged some injustices committed since it took the reins of power. The military council for instanceissued an apology to Egyptian women after a furore surrounded the part-stripping and beating of a female protester by military soldiers. Prime Minister Kamal El Ganzouri also acknowledged that the victims of the Maspero massacre in October and the confrontations in Mohamed Mahmoud Street in November were indeed martyrs of the revolution.

The head of the military judiciary announced on 13 October that the armed forces alone would investigate what is known as the Maspero Massacre— the clashes that took place 9 October, leaving 28 people dead and at least 325 injured, when Coptic Christians marched from Shubra to the State TV building at Maspero to protest the burning of a church in Aswan. The announcement came despite warnings by human rights groups that the killing by the military of Coptic protesters should not be covered up and must be subject to independent and open investigations.

In spite of these acknowledgements and decisions, no army or police personnel have as yet been held accountable for their actions. This may be due to a fear that if some are convicted, others may not follow orders in the future.

Since the military assumed power the investigations conducted under its reign have fallen short of standards of open and transparent scrutiny.

Most of the military’s claims with regard to the major events that have occurred contradict video evidence and eyewitness testimonies. According to human rights lawyer Gamal Eid, director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), “military investigations are unacceptable. They are not independent and it is very clear they are biased.”

There are over 15 major incidents that still need to be properly investigated Many other charges of misconduct and abuses filed before and after military rule have also not been dealt with.

Post Port Said Football Clashes

Mass protests in response to the Port Said football clashes took place in the vicinity of the Ministry of Interior on Mohamed Mahmoud Street and in the city of Suez. At least 15 people were killed as police responded by heavy use of tear gas and birdshot. Even after walls were erected around the ministry, police attacked protesters chasing them into Bab El Louk. The Minister of Interior, Mohamed Ibrahim, claimed much like his predecessor Mansour El Essawy that no shots were fired.

The Port Said Football Massacre

At least 74 people have died in football clashes on 2 February in the city of Port Said following a match between Ahly and Al Masry football teams. Witnesses hold the police responsible for having failed to secure the match. There are accusations of gross negligence and some activists have accused the ruling military council of instigating these clashes. Parliament is currently overseeing investigations.

The Cabinet Attacks

A military crackdown on a sit-in outside the cabinet buildings resulted in 19 killed and 750 injured. Around one hundred of 250 arrested remain in custody; of the released 70 were minors. The events started on 16 December and continued throughout 17, 18 and 19 December making it the longest period of direct military-led violence against protestors since the revolution started.

The period also produced the most scathing body of video evidence incriminating the military, filmed mostly by citizen journalists.

The most notable exampleof this violence caught on camera was of the female protester in Tahrir who was part-stripped, beaten and dragged by military forces. In their press conference the SCAF spokesperson said that the incident was under investigation.

The Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud

The Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes which took place between 19 and 25 November left 41 dead and over one thousand injured, according to the Egyptian Ministry of Health. Despite the presence of incriminating video evidence, the minister of interior denied that forces had fired any ammunition of any kind at protesters. One video shows a truce broken unilaterally by Central Security Forces (CSF). Both doctors and journalists were targeted in the events of Mohamed Mahmoud.

The onslaught of attacks on protesters by the police was not preempted despite evidence of targeting protesters in the eye and public pressure. There have been no serious investigations into the actions of the army or the police.

Essam Atta

On 27 October 2011, 24-year-old Essam Atta was reportedly tortured to death by prison guards. Despite Atta’s family testifying that a prison officer called Nour was involved in Atta’s torture, the police have not investigated these allegations and concluded that Atta died as a result of ingesting drugs. The Ministry of Interior statement and the forensic report are reminiscent of the official story on Khaled Said, who was murdered in plain view and whose autopsy report had been falsified. The case is currently being examined by the general prosecutor.

The Maspero Massacre

The Maspero Massacre took place on 9 October 2011 when Coptic Christians took to the streets joined by Egyptian Muslims to protest the destruction and burning of a church in Aswan. Tracing the march provides a body of evidence in terms of videos and eyewitness testimonies  that implicate the military in the killings of protestors.

Despite these implications, (SCAF) insisted on conducting investigations alone and ended by exonerating the army. Instead of a full-fledged investigation, revolutionary activists have been summoned to appear before the military prosecution. Activist Alaa Abdel Fattah was detained by military prosecution on serious charges yet no evidence has been presented to the public. General Mohamed El-Assar claimed that army personnel were unarmed and yet one of the charges against Abdel Fattah is theft of a weapon belonging to military forces. In addition, according to Bahaa Saber, another activist who was summoned but released after questioning, the army has Mina Daniel’s name on the list of those accused. Mina Daniel was one of the activists killed on 9 October. His autopsy reports the cause of death as: “projectile entered into the upper chest, exiting the lower back”.

So far there has been no announcement of the names of officers or soldiers investigated or reprimanded, despite clear video evidence and autopsy reports indicating that 12 protesters were run over by Armoured Personnel Carriers. The incitement of violence by the media has not been investigated and no investigation of Minister of Information Osama Heikal has been announced despite charges being filed against him.

The church in El-Marinab, Aswan

The destruction and burning of Mar Girgis Church in the village of El-Marinab, Edfu, in Aswan on 30 September triggered a wave of angry protests. Despite recommendations to remove the governor of Aswan and take corrective action, nothing was done. This deliberate inaction led to the protests that ended in the Maspero Massacre.

Torture of two men by army and police

In the latter half of September 2011, a video of policemen and army personnel torturing two detainees was circulated over the Internet. The military promised a swift investigation, and swift it was. The findings were that the video was fake, and the army officers were released.

The battle of Abbasiya

On 23 July, thousands of protesters tried to march from Tahrir Square to the Ministry of Defense to decry the unmet demands of the 8 July sit-in. Attacks on the protesters resulted in the death of activist Mohamed Mohsen.

On 30 July, state owned Akhbar Al-Yom published the findings of the National Council for Human Rights’ investigation into the incident, according to which the battle of Abbasiya was planned thuggery while video evidence has been presented to the prosecutor general documenting the attacks.

General Hassan El-Reweiny was accused of incitement when he went on air with Dina Abdel Rahman on the Dream TV satellite channel before the march and claimed that protesters would be armed with Molotov cocktails. Charges have been filed against him with the general prosecutor. The case was transferred to the military prosecution office and no action taken.

Assault on martyrs’ families

On 28 June 2011, clashes broke out between protesters and the police after families of martyrs killed in the January 25 Revolution were attacked near the Balloon Theatre in Agouza. The fact finding committee suggested that the clashes were premeditated, yet no action was taken to bring about justice.

Mohamed Gad, known as “Sambo”, was sentenced to five years imprisonment despite activists insisting he did not intend to take possession of a firearm he was photographed holding and actually returned it to the Omar Makram Mosque in Tahrir Square on 29 June. Despite the use of excessive force by the police, officers have not been investigated.

Nakba Day protests

Nakba Day on 15 May witnessed protests outside the Israeli embassy in Cairo in solidarity with Palestinians. Demonstrators were dispersed using live ammunition, tear gas and rubber bullets leaving 350 people injured. Over 150 arrests were made. It is unclear until today why the army used excessive force.

Ramy Fakhry

Despite promises to investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry, we have yet to hear the results of the investigation. Ramy Fakhry was a 27-year-old electrical engineer who was allegedly killed by the army on his way to work on 13 May 2011. “An investigation could reveal who was present at the time of the shooting,” Eid told Ahram Online, but so far no results have been announced.

The Imbaba church attacks

7 May 2011 marked another case of sectarian violence when a church in Imbaba was attacked and set ablaze. Twelve people died in the ensuing clashes and 186 were injured.

Despite the arrest of over 190 people, results of the investigation have not been announced to the public. A large number of those arrested were released and the investigation did not include charges of hate speech. The incompetence of the military prosecution in bringing to light any investigation results casts doubt on the validity of charges against those in custody.

8 April officers

On 8 April a group of army officers joined Tahrir square protesters in solidarity with the revolution’s goals. In the early hours of 9 April the military dispersed the protesters violently. Witnesses say live ammunition was used, in addition to tasers, batons and teargas. Egyptian human rights organisations called for an immediate investigation into the excessive violence and shootings. According to Gamal Eid, an investigation was promised but no results have been announced, nor is there reason to believe an investigation did take place.

Zamalek vs Africain match

On 2 April 2011 thousands of angry Zamalek fans stormed the pitch in a match between Egypt’s Zamalek club and Tunisia’s Africain club. The military council vowed to investigate the events of the match. We have yet to hear the results of these investigations.

Torture and virginity tests

On 9 March, the sit-in at Tahrir Square was dispersed violently with reports of mass arrests and torture in the vicinity of the Egyptian Museum. Virginity tests were also carried out on female detainees as reported and documented by the El-Nadeem Centre for the Rehabilitation of the Victims of Violence and Torture, Amnesty International, The Washington Post and CNN. The army initially denied that the tests had been carried out, and then promised to launch an investigation. Numerous calls to bring those responsible to justice have been ignored despite numerous eyewitness accounts and evidence.

The church of Atfeeh

In early March, the church in Sol, Atfeeh, in the governorate of Helwan was set ablaze and demolished as a result of sectarian tensions. There have been calls for an investigation into the events so that the perpetrators are held accountable. However, in an interview with Amr Adeeb, SCAF General Hassan El-Reweiny alluded to how preposterous it was to ask for the investigation results after the church has been rebuilt.  No one has been held to account for the attack to date.

Corruption, abuses and miscellaneous others

No justice has been realised in cases like the killing of protesters, the Battle of the Camel, the bombing of the church in Alexandria and many others. Nobody has been held accountable to numerous incidents as SCAF chooses to turn a blind eye to these crimes. 

Civilians caught in the military trials system are tried and convicted in days and sometimes hours with little to guarantee a fair trial while perpetrators of the crimes listed here have yet to be brought to justice. Many charges remain uninvestigated even after being submitted to the prosecutor general.

“Military prosecution only targets activists and the poor, as if it is a trap for revolutionaries and activists,” Eid told Ahram Online. “All investigations and trials under the army serve political ends.”

Summary

Case	Date
Mohamed Mahmoud/Mansour	2-6 February 2012
Port Said Football Riots	1 February 2012
The Cabinet Attacks	16-19 December
Mohamed Mahmoud	19-25 November
Essam Atta	27 October 2011
Maspero Massacre	9 October 2011
The church in El-Marinab	30 September 2011
Torture video of two men by army and police	28 September 2011
The battle of Abbasiya	23 July 2011
Assault on martyrs' families	28 June 2011
Nakba Day protests	15 May 2011
Ramy Fakhry	13 May 2011
Imbaba church attacks	7 May 2011
8 April officers	8/9 April 2011
Zamalek vs Africain match	2 April 2011
Torture and virginity tests	9 March 2011
Church demolition and burning in Atfeeh	5 March 2011
Corruption, abuses and miscellaneous others	February 2011 –  to date.

The Rigged Constitution

Opponents of Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi hold pamphlets urging a "no vote" on a constitutional referendum as cars burn during clashes between supporters and opponents of President Mohammed Morsi in Alexandria, Egypt on Friday. (AP)

So the referendum is obviously rigged, not only are Misr 25 channels announcing the results 3 hours before the polls close, all day there has been consistent reports of violations in favour of the ‘Yes’ vote. Non stamped papers, no anti-fraud ink, people not finding their names, people not being admitted inside the voting stations, judges not present, ballot stuffing, you name it. I won’t.

It’s not a surprise at all that this referendum is rigged. The amount of rigging is proportionate to the ‘No’ bias. These many violations and this much rigging indicate that there is a strong effort on the part of the regime to falsify the will of the people. I’ve always said that a regime that does not respect your life will not respect your vote. On December 5, 2012, Morsi the supposed president of Egypt sent his Muslim Brotherhood militia to disperse a peaceful sit-in and then attack protesters using firearms, teargas and he had them set up a torture camp to force confessions.

In light of such atrocious measures, one can only conclude that the regime is adamant about getting its way. They see the constitution as a way of attaining their goals. Whatever their goals are, their means doesn’t indicate that it is anything good.

Many foreign observers have been devoid of logic, unable to comprehend the referendum or the actions of a vicious regime that sent in vicious brainwashed supporters to uphold an illegitimate decree of an autocratic party. It seems that almost two years of revolution have taught them nothing. They will still make their inaccurate predictions and then claim that Egypt is unpredictable.

The answer to the referendum is a resounding ‘No’. Not just because of rigging, and not just because a majority of people have been alienated by Ikhwan’s autocratic policies. It’s because the constitution was not written by Egyptians, it was monopolized by one faction.

A rigged constitution does not go a long way. It is as fragile as the parliament rigged by Mubarak’s regime. That’s why parliament was first to go in the revolution. The regime knew it had no legitimacy despite its legality. This constitution is the same, the more forceful they are, the harder they will break. It is impossible now for Ikhwan to rule with stability. There is no reason why people should accept them in power, no saving grace. They are counting on intimidation and pushing forward a false legitimacy, but even Mubarak knew that you need to throw the dog a bone. Egyptians are not dogs anymore though, they are becoming fierce predators who will find a way to take down whoever gets between them and what they think is theirs.

Protecting Morsi's Legitimacy

When a democratically elected president ignores the will of the people and quickly takes measures to become a dictator, his legitimacy is abrogated. He himself has rejected democracy and the will of the people that chose him. Therefore, if he insists on rejecting democracy, it is well within people's rights to insist that they be heard or have him removed. They would be protecting legitimacy and democracy not turning against it.

Imagine Ahmed Shafik had issued that constitutional declaration to clean up the country and uphold the values of the revolution. Imagine he had sent in his thugs to disperse a sit-in and assault women. Imagine he had them use teargas, shotguns, pistols and possibly automatic weapons to prevent protesters from returning to their sit-in. Imagine his goons had sexually assaulted a woman they placed under arrest and tortured men before handing them over to the police. Imagine he had written a horribly flawed constitution that infringes on freedoms and cements military privileges in Egypt. Imagine he had honored Tantawi, Anan and Ganzouri and promised the army and police immunity. Imagine 50 school children were killed during his presidency in a train accident. Imagine he had threatened the entire nation that if they do not vote yes, they will have to live with his dictatorship. Imagine in his speeches he accused opposition of wreaking chaos and of being part of a foreign agenda. Imagine he had broken every promise and made new promises you were certain he was not going to keep. Imagine he had been praised by the US and done everything they needed to appease Israel. Imagine he was a puppet controlled by Mubarak or some other force behind him. Imagine he had the right to label whoever disagreed with him a traitor.

Would you still give him a chance to be your dictator? Would you trust him just because you believe him to be a good person? Close your eyes and really imagine, and then talk to me about protecting 'legitimacy'.

The Muslim Brotherhood's Militias in Action: A Firsthand Account

The recent clashes at the Itihadiyya presidential palace leave little room for confusion. A day prior to these events, people took to the streets in Egypt’s largest cities to denounce the manner in which the Muslim Brotherhood-controlled presidency has been running the country. On Wednesday 5 December, everything changed. The Muslim Brotherhood reacted by calling on supporters of President Mohamed Morsi to march to the Itihadiyya palace, where an anti-Morsi sit-in was ongoing. Morsi’s supporters forced protesters out and destroyed their tents. A little past mid-afternoon all the demonstrators were kicked out and replaced by Morsi’s supporters.

Roxy

In response, anti-Morsi protesters began moving back to the palace area in order to reestablish their sit-in. They started gathering in small numbers at the corner of al-Khalifa al-Ma’moun and El-Merghany Streets. On El-Merghany and stationed around the palace were Morsi’s supporters. Chants were exchanged between the two groups as they faced-off with no barriers separating them. Around 7:00 pm the first clashes took place. As anti-Morsi protesters marched in an attempt to retake the space wherein the sit-in had been forced out earlier, they chanted loudly, “the people want to bring down the regime.” This is when the first clashes began. The protesters that were charging ahead of me turned around and started stampeding a great distance to the back.

The retreat was unusual. In other protests people would run for a few seconds and then stop. This retreat covered far more distance. The usual calls of “ithbat” (Arabic for “stay put”), which are often yelled when protests experience attacks, did not seem to work. As I recovered from the run, I realized that the Muslim Brotherhood’s supporters were very close. I saw a young protester shaking his head and telling me, “they are using shotguns.” Then it registered that the big bangs I had been hearing were gunshots.

Protesters tried to charge back using what they can of rocks and chanting “Jika” (an activist who was recently killed by security forces in protests around the ministry of interior) and it worked for a few seconds. But then we heard more shotgun rounds fired, and they continued to echo for a great portion of the night. Protesters controlled the intersection for a while, but then the Brotherhood’s supporters pushed them out even farther than last time. It was when we first heard the sounds of an automatic firearm that we were pushed back farthest.

Muslim Brotherhood supporters were attacking using rocks, shotguns, blanks, live ammunition, and teargas. Their push split the crowd into three main fronts, one on each side of three intersections, namely al-Khalifa al-Ma’moun Street, Mansheyet El Bakry Street and Roxy Square. Clashes continued in various places. I moved toward al-Khalifa Al-Ma’moun Street. The clashes continued on all fronts with Brotherhood supporters outnumbering protesters, showing signs of strong organization in their attacks, and possession of superior fire power. The Molotov cocktails prepared by anti-Morsi protesters to counter the weaponry used by Muslim Brotherhood supporters were highly ineffective.

This is not the first time that Brotherhood supporters have clashed with protesters. One clash had taken place when the Muslim Brotherhood members blocked protesters from the parliament area on 31 January 2012. There was also the time when the MB attacked Popular Current activists in Tahrir Square on 12 October 2012 after they chanted against Morsi. However this is the first time we have seen the Muslim Brotherhood resorting to firearms to attack civilians in an organized fashion. This degree of organization, along with the use of arms, makes these supporters akin to a militia that comes to the aide of the president whenever he is threatened politically.

Many protesters were injured with birdshot pellets. Human rights activists who had talked to doctors at Mansheyet El-Bakry hospital told me that two people had died by live bullets.

Taking a long route around to Roxy I saw that Central Security Forces (CSF) had blocked access to the intersection. Muslim Brotherhood supporters fought protesters on a side street on the Roxy front. CSF seemed to have protected Brotherhood supporters as they fought protesters on al-Khalifa al-Ma’moun Street and Mansheyet El Bakry.

After a while, the clashes were limited exclusively to El-Merghany Street near the presidential palace. An eyewitness who had been on the other side explained to me that as Muslim Brotherhood supporters pulled back, the CSF formed a line to protect them from protesters. When they had fully retreated, the CSF then went behind them. According to the eyewitness, rumors were spreading among the Muslim Brotherhood’s supporters that the church had sent in people to fight them.

Meanwhile, teargas was fired at anti-Morsi protesters from behind the Brotherhood’s lines. The police were present on the Brotherhood side of the clashes, but not the other.

The show of force, the disregard to opposition and the people, and the strong insistence on monopolizing power are strong indications that Muslim Brotherhood leaders do not intend to lend their ear to anyone but their own.

Throughout the night the sound of live bullets, shotguns and fireworks (by protesters) were heard. Clashes continued late into the night.

First published in Jadaliyya on 5 December 2012

Update, all weapons fired were from Muslim Brotherhood

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