On Unity

The opposition will not be united in ideology, they will be united in a goal. But to be united in a goal means to you need to organize and coordinate. That's what we really need, organization and discipline, not particularly unity. The unity that is implied asks us not to fight about little things. But we should always fight about the little things, this is our gift, pluralism and accepting the others. Why do we want to agree about everything? Do we want the same blind obedience?

We should agree to a goal and fight as little as possible till we reach it, but to see our differences as a sign of weakness is to ask for another monolithic entity that will most surely be exclusive of others. We ought to unite on a goal, and organize to achieve it, that's the only unity possible. Until then, all that remains are our differences unfortunately.

Winter of Discontent - More than just the 18 day uprising

If ever there were doubts about the brutality of the Mubarak regime and why it had to go, they are completely dispelled by Ibrahim El-Batout’s latest masterpiece Winter of Discontent.

The movie outlines with dedicated care the utter brutality and impunity with which the State Security apparatus operated. The utter helplessness of its victims and their families who had no one to turn to when they disappeared is suffocating to watch. The torture scenes reflected extreme ruthlessness without exaggeration.

The movie centres around the life of an activist, Amr (Amr Waked), in January 2009 and 2011, and focuses on the characters of Farah (Farah Youssef), a TV presenter and Adel (Salah ElHanafy) a high ranking state security officer. The movie does more than tell the story of Egypt’s uprising. It tells a story of Egypt’s past, present and possibly future.

It is difficult write an impassive review of a movie so close to the events of the 2011 uprising.  In a way watching the movie is not about the characters in the film, but stories we experienced or heard about. As the movie premiered, a host of recognized revolutionary figures present could be heard whispering as they related their own stories or those of people they knew.

Waked’s performance holds everything together. We see how he breaks and rises. We see what makes him heal. It is a fairy tale of sorts, but one that has happened over and over again on account of the events of January 2011.  Farah Youssef is a TV presenter who also finds redemption, at times her return is over the top. Perhaps surprising was the part played by new comer ElHanafy as the state security officer which was both written and executed with refined subtlety. The depiction is unorthodox yet entirely convincing. A wide spectrum of emotions palpable in the details and the performance, yet expressed so reservedly.

El-Batout’s imagery is mesmerizing, his camera never in a rush to catch up with what is happening but rather moving slowly as if reflecting on what it captures. The film set meticulously chosen, whether it is the run down quarters of state security, or the refined, lavish home of the state security officer.  The scenes are dark yet painting like, with copious shades of black and blue filling the screen as if they were the film’s posters - memorable cinematography from Victor Credi the director of photography. Ahmed Mostafa Saleh’s music in the background is mostly subtle and minimalist complementing the picture beautifully.

A movie that recounts the details of the 18 day uprising in 2011 was long awaited and with regards to accuracy and authenticity, Winter of Discontent does not disappoint. There is no climax, just a slow transition that the revolution did to a great number of people. It does tackle what people did in Tahrir, but what Tahrir did in other places.

Whatever it may be as a movie is overshadowed by sincerity in telling the tale. The attention to detail, whether in conversation, mood or sound, is transporting to the 18 days. One such example is chants heard in the background of ‘Bread, freedom’ followed by the long forgotten ‘human dignity’, now replaced by ‘social justice’. Such were the chants that shook Cairo. ‘Do you think they’ll be able to do anything?’ asked Amr’s neighbor in one of the scenes as the protests marched by. A simple statement that reflects the hope people in their homes had for any sort of change that would better their lives.

For many who have witnessed some of these events, it is an incredibly moving picture that captures the spirit of the events; a whirlwind of emotions about fear, hope and defiance. To hope again when hope was lost is not easy to do, even when everything around you asks you to.

The story is about a nation who sought justice but found it absolutely nowhere but themselves having searched so hard. In a way it tells the story of a continuing revolution, from reasons it had started to reasons it cannot but continue. It tells the story of hopes and dreams and the ability to rise from beneath the dirt. Yet with all that it holds, it is a deeply saddening tale, because it is a story of an on-going discontentment, a continuing struggle, one that has not yet been resolved, one that has not yet been won.

Street Wars on a Hill: An Eyewitness Testimony

[The following is an eyewitness testimony covering some of the events that happened on 22 March 2013 near the Muslim Brotherhood’s headquarters in al-Moqattam area. First published in Jadaliyya.]

[Clashes near Muslim Brotherhood's headquarters in Moqattam on 22 March 2012. Photo by Mostafa Sheshtawy]

Having missed the march to the Muslim Brotherhood (MB)’s headquarters in al-Moqattam, I arrived late to the site of the protests. There had been reports of clashes at al-Nafoora (Fountain) square, one of the most used entrances to the area of al-Moqattam located at the west end of the district and closest to downtown. Reaching the protest area was difficult, because pro-Muslim Brotherhood supporters controlled the main entry point or at least rendered it inaccessible for some time.

I arrived a little after 5 pm from the east end of Road 9, the main road in al-Moqattam. As we drove through, we saw groups of men ascending on foot. We assumed they were MB supporters as there were no women, flags, or signs in their procession. Along Road 9, I encountered a more vibrant march with a greater cross-section of protesters chanting against the MB, saying “Morsi, your day will come.” They were from al-Zelzal (“earthquake”) area of the district and were part of one of the many processions that came from that area.

Heavy presence of MB supporters blocking the road prevented us from reaching the guidance office. In order to get through to the protest area we waited for the anti-MB march. As the march approached the blocked road protesters attempted to charge MB supporters, throwing rocks to make way. MB responded in kind but they were eventually pushed back. Shortly thereafter, shotguns sounded from the MB side echoing continuously. Protesters were pushed back as flying rocks filled the sky.

As clashes continued, we attempted to get closer to the area of protest by driving through numerous back alleys, many of which were closed off by residents of the neighborhood. As we made our way closer to the protest area, we asked one of many individuals standing next to a bonfire in a dark street where we were at and what was happening. He responded that he was in his balcony when police started attacking protesters unprovoked and that he was not sure why they had done that.

The protest area was at the intersection of Road 9 and Road 10, which leads to the guidance office. Having finally reached an area within walking distance from the main protesting area, the scene was dark and full of smoke. The lights on Road 9 were off and illumination came from several shop signs and bonfires. Protesters were gathered on Road 9 before the intersection, chanting, and socializing. They began moving away slowly when tear gas canisters landed close to where they were standing. Police continuously fired tear gas, and occasionally sound bombs. When police fired more frequently people responded by chanting louder “People want to bring down the regime.”  Many women were present walking to and from the front lines.

Police vans on Road 10 were near the intersection and behind them were several interspersed lines of Central Security Forces (CSF) troops. A few protesters were on Road 10 at the intersection, but they were mostly throwing back tear gas canisters back in the direction of the police.

Tear gas was fired indiscriminately with numerous gas canisters falling inside the residents’ balconies and protesters pointing their laser guns at the smoke coming out of them. A field hospital was set up beneath Al-Dostoor party’s headquarters on Road 9 close to the clashes.

A nearby cafe was full of anti-MB protesters. Conversations indicated that protesters were feeling positive about the protests, sensing they have succeeded in delivering a blow despite not being able to reach the guidance office. The protesters were also determined to continue protesting against the MB.

A police APC chased protesters on Road 9 as we watched from the cafe. By 9 pm, numbers were dwindling, yet tear gas continued to fill the air. As we drove out of Moqattam, we saw protesters stopping buses that looked like they belong to MB. The street leading out of Al-Nafora square was laden with rocks and glass.

Meet Egypt's Private Prosecutor

Egypt's private prosecutor

Egypt has what they call a Public Prosecutor. His job is to represent the people and attempt to bring about justice. That is not what he does. All sugar coating aside, Talat Ibrahim is a corrupt man who has a history of politicizing 'justice'. So much so that he is now known as the Private Prosecutor. 

This corrupt official is owned currently by the Muslim Brotherhood. A despicable man who even before becoming Egypt's private prosecutor handed down politicized sentences in Bahrain. This is a man who wrote his resignation due to pressure from his subordinates and then retracted it despite being unwanted among his peers.This is a man who has turned a blind eye to every form of wrongdoing by the Muslim Brotherhood. Not only that but he had asked head of prosecution Mostafa Khater to lock up innocent people so that president Morsi is not proven a liar. When Khater refused, he was transferred to Beni Swaif as punishment. Khater in turn exposed the level of corruption to unjustly lock up people.

Morsi lied, and Talat Ibrahim manipulated justice. This is a corrupt regime beyond a shadow of a doubt, and if there was any justice in Egypt, they would be spending time in prison. 

Here's a subtitled video to shed light on how corrupt the justice system currently is.

Threats from the Minister of Justice to the judge, Mahmoud Hamza, who ruled against the legitimacy of the private prosecutor:

Other corruption resources:

http://www.egyptindependent.com/news/public-prosecution-summons-90-victims-moqattam-clashes

http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1/0/67698/Egypt/0/Egypts-prosecutors-summon-opposition-figures-accus.aspx

http://www.acus.org/egyptsource/top-news-top-prosecutor-summons-activists-over-clashes#3

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-21980343

http://triblive.com/usworld/betsyhiel/3754425-74/brotherhood-egypt-morsy

http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContentP/1/67790/Egypt/Summoned-activist-rejects-legitimacy-of-investigat.aspx

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/31/world/middleeast/egypt-orders-arrest-of-satirist-for-skits-on-islam-and-morsi.html?ref=world&_r=0&_r=0

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323611604578394833824320910.html

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-21990138

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-21980343

http://www.france24.com/en/20130402-egypt-launches-fresh-probe-against-popular-satirist

http://edition.cnn.com/2013/03/31/world/africa/egypt-host-questioned/

But I leave you with this:

Year of the SCAF: a time-line of mounting repression

This article was initially published in Ahram Online on 11 February 2012. It is an amended version of the article entitled 'SCAF: A brief history of injustice' published 10 November 2011. Republishing it today in remembrance of past injustices at the hands of Armed Forces as they continue under the Muslim Brotherhood.

The revolutionary overthrow of Mubarak brought Egypt under the sway of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), who pledged to protect the revolution and realise its objectives. A year on, Ahram Online reviews the record

A year has passed since the military assumed power when president Hosni Mubarak was ousted in February last year. But is Egypt any closer to the freedom and justice it sought when its people rose up against the Mubarak regime?

The ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces(SCAF) has implicitly acknowledged some injustices committed since it took the reins of power. The military council for instanceissued an apology to Egyptian women after a furore surrounded the part-stripping and beating of a female protester by military soldiers. Prime Minister Kamal El Ganzouri also acknowledged that the victims of the Maspero massacre in October and the confrontations in Mohamed Mahmoud Street in November were indeed martyrs of the revolution.

The head of the military judiciary announced on 13 October that the armed forces alone would investigate what is known as the Maspero Massacre— the clashes that took place 9 October, leaving 28 people dead and at least 325 injured, when Coptic Christians marched from Shubra to the State TV building at Maspero to protest the burning of a church in Aswan. The announcement came despite warnings by human rights groups that the killing by the military of Coptic protesters should not be covered up and must be subject to independent and open investigations.

In spite of these acknowledgements and decisions, no army or police personnel have as yet been held accountable for their actions. This may be due to a fear that if some are convicted, others may not follow orders in the future.

Since the military assumed power the investigations conducted under its reign have fallen short of standards of open and transparent scrutiny.

Most of the military’s claims with regard to the major events that have occurred contradict video evidence and eyewitness testimonies. According to human rights lawyer Gamal Eid, director of the Arab Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), “military investigations are unacceptable. They are not independent and it is very clear they are biased.”

There are over 15 major incidents that still need to be properly investigated Many other charges of misconduct and abuses filed before and after military rule have also not been dealt with.

Post Port Said Football Clashes

Mass protests in response to the Port Said football clashes took place in the vicinity of the Ministry of Interior on Mohamed Mahmoud Street and in the city of Suez. At least 15 people were killed as police responded by heavy use of tear gas and birdshot. Even after walls were erected around the ministry, police attacked protesters chasing them into Bab El Louk. The Minister of Interior, Mohamed Ibrahim, claimed much like his predecessor Mansour El Essawy that no shots were fired.

The Port Said Football Massacre

At least 74 people have died in football clashes on 2 February in the city of Port Said following a match between Ahly and Al Masry football teams. Witnesses hold the police responsible for having failed to secure the match. There are accusations of gross negligence and some activists have accused the ruling military council of instigating these clashes. Parliament is currently overseeing investigations.

The Cabinet Attacks

A military crackdown on a sit-in outside the cabinet buildings resulted in 19 killed and 750 injured. Around one hundred of 250 arrested remain in custody; of the released 70 were minors. The events started on 16 December and continued throughout 17, 18 and 19 December making it the longest period of direct military-led violence against protestors since the revolution started.

The period also produced the most scathing body of video evidence incriminating the military, filmed mostly by citizen journalists.

The most notable exampleof this violence caught on camera was of the female protester in Tahrir who was part-stripped, beaten and dragged by military forces. In their press conference the SCAF spokesperson said that the incident was under investigation.

The Battle of Mohamed Mahmoud

The Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes which took place between 19 and 25 November left 41 dead and over one thousand injured, according to the Egyptian Ministry of Health. Despite the presence of incriminating video evidence, the minister of interior denied that forces had fired any ammunition of any kind at protesters. One video shows a truce broken unilaterally by Central Security Forces (CSF). Both doctors and journalists were targeted in the events of Mohamed Mahmoud.

The onslaught of attacks on protesters by the police was not preempted despite evidence of targeting protesters in the eye and public pressure. There have been no serious investigations into the actions of the army or the police.

Essam Atta

On 27 October 2011, 24-year-old Essam Atta was reportedly tortured to death by prison guards. Despite Atta’s family testifying that a prison officer called Nour was involved in Atta’s torture, the police have not investigated these allegations and concluded that Atta died as a result of ingesting drugs. The Ministry of Interior statement and the forensic report are reminiscent of the official story on Khaled Said, who was murdered in plain view and whose autopsy report had been falsified. The case is currently being examined by the general prosecutor.

The Maspero Massacre

The Maspero Massacre took place on 9 October 2011 when Coptic Christians took to the streets joined by Egyptian Muslims to protest the destruction and burning of a church in Aswan. Tracing the march provides a body of evidence in terms of videos and eyewitness testimonies  that implicate the military in the killings of protestors.

Despite these implications, (SCAF) insisted on conducting investigations alone and ended by exonerating the army. Instead of a full-fledged investigation, revolutionary activists have been summoned to appear before the military prosecution. Activist Alaa Abdel Fattah was detained by military prosecution on serious charges yet no evidence has been presented to the public. General Mohamed El-Assar claimed that army personnel were unarmed and yet one of the charges against Abdel Fattah is theft of a weapon belonging to military forces. In addition, according to Bahaa Saber, another activist who was summoned but released after questioning, the army has Mina Daniel’s name on the list of those accused. Mina Daniel was one of the activists killed on 9 October. His autopsy reports the cause of death as: “projectile entered into the upper chest, exiting the lower back”.

So far there has been no announcement of the names of officers or soldiers investigated or reprimanded, despite clear video evidence and autopsy reports indicating that 12 protesters were run over by Armoured Personnel Carriers. The incitement of violence by the media has not been investigated and no investigation of Minister of Information Osama Heikal has been announced despite charges being filed against him.

The church in El-Marinab, Aswan

The destruction and burning of Mar Girgis Church in the village of El-Marinab, Edfu, in Aswan on 30 September triggered a wave of angry protests. Despite recommendations to remove the governor of Aswan and take corrective action, nothing was done. This deliberate inaction led to the protests that ended in the Maspero Massacre.

Torture of two men by army and police

In the latter half of September 2011, a video of policemen and army personnel torturing two detainees was circulated over the Internet. The military promised a swift investigation, and swift it was. The findings were that the video was fake, and the army officers were released.

The battle of Abbasiya

On 23 July, thousands of protesters tried to march from Tahrir Square to the Ministry of Defense to decry the unmet demands of the 8 July sit-in. Attacks on the protesters resulted in the death of activist Mohamed Mohsen.

On 30 July, state owned Akhbar Al-Yom published the findings of the National Council for Human Rights’ investigation into the incident, according to which the battle of Abbasiya was planned thuggery while video evidence has been presented to the prosecutor general documenting the attacks.

General Hassan El-Reweiny was accused of incitement when he went on air with Dina Abdel Rahman on the Dream TV satellite channel before the march and claimed that protesters would be armed with Molotov cocktails. Charges have been filed against him with the general prosecutor. The case was transferred to the military prosecution office and no action taken.

Assault on martyrs’ families

On 28 June 2011, clashes broke out between protesters and the police after families of martyrs killed in the January 25 Revolution were attacked near the Balloon Theatre in Agouza. The fact finding committee suggested that the clashes were premeditated, yet no action was taken to bring about justice.

Mohamed Gad, known as “Sambo”, was sentenced to five years imprisonment despite activists insisting he did not intend to take possession of a firearm he was photographed holding and actually returned it to the Omar Makram Mosque in Tahrir Square on 29 June. Despite the use of excessive force by the police, officers have not been investigated.

Nakba Day protests

Nakba Day on 15 May witnessed protests outside the Israeli embassy in Cairo in solidarity with Palestinians. Demonstrators were dispersed using live ammunition, tear gas and rubber bullets leaving 350 people injured. Over 150 arrests were made. It is unclear until today why the army used excessive force.

Ramy Fakhry

Despite promises to investigate the death of Ramy Fakhry, we have yet to hear the results of the investigation. Ramy Fakhry was a 27-year-old electrical engineer who was allegedly killed by the army on his way to work on 13 May 2011. “An investigation could reveal who was present at the time of the shooting,” Eid told Ahram Online, but so far no results have been announced.

The Imbaba church attacks

7 May 2011 marked another case of sectarian violence when a church in Imbaba was attacked and set ablaze. Twelve people died in the ensuing clashes and 186 were injured.

Despite the arrest of over 190 people, results of the investigation have not been announced to the public. A large number of those arrested were released and the investigation did not include charges of hate speech. The incompetence of the military prosecution in bringing to light any investigation results casts doubt on the validity of charges against those in custody.

8 April officers

On 8 April a group of army officers joined Tahrir square protesters in solidarity with the revolution’s goals. In the early hours of 9 April the military dispersed the protesters violently. Witnesses say live ammunition was used, in addition to tasers, batons and teargas. Egyptian human rights organisations called for an immediate investigation into the excessive violence and shootings. According to Gamal Eid, an investigation was promised but no results have been announced, nor is there reason to believe an investigation did take place.

Zamalek vs Africain match

On 2 April 2011 thousands of angry Zamalek fans stormed the pitch in a match between Egypt’s Zamalek club and Tunisia’s Africain club. The military council vowed to investigate the events of the match. We have yet to hear the results of these investigations.

Torture and virginity tests

On 9 March, the sit-in at Tahrir Square was dispersed violently with reports of mass arrests and torture in the vicinity of the Egyptian Museum. Virginity tests were also carried out on female detainees as reported and documented by the El-Nadeem Centre for the Rehabilitation of the Victims of Violence and Torture, Amnesty International, The Washington Post and CNN. The army initially denied that the tests had been carried out, and then promised to launch an investigation. Numerous calls to bring those responsible to justice have been ignored despite numerous eyewitness accounts and evidence.

The church of Atfeeh

In early March, the church in Sol, Atfeeh, in the governorate of Helwan was set ablaze and demolished as a result of sectarian tensions. There have been calls for an investigation into the events so that the perpetrators are held accountable. However, in an interview with Amr Adeeb, SCAF General Hassan El-Reweiny alluded to how preposterous it was to ask for the investigation results after the church has been rebuilt.  No one has been held to account for the attack to date.

Corruption, abuses and miscellaneous others

No justice has been realised in cases like the killing of protesters, the Battle of the Camel, the bombing of the church in Alexandria and many others. Nobody has been held accountable to numerous incidents as SCAF chooses to turn a blind eye to these crimes. 

Civilians caught in the military trials system are tried and convicted in days and sometimes hours with little to guarantee a fair trial while perpetrators of the crimes listed here have yet to be brought to justice. Many charges remain uninvestigated even after being submitted to the prosecutor general.

“Military prosecution only targets activists and the poor, as if it is a trap for revolutionaries and activists,” Eid told Ahram Online. “All investigations and trials under the army serve political ends.”

Summary

Case	Date
Mohamed Mahmoud/Mansour	2-6 February 2012
Port Said Football Riots	1 February 2012
The Cabinet Attacks	16-19 December
Mohamed Mahmoud	19-25 November
Essam Atta	27 October 2011
Maspero Massacre	9 October 2011
The church in El-Marinab	30 September 2011
Torture video of two men by army and police	28 September 2011
The battle of Abbasiya	23 July 2011
Assault on martyrs' families	28 June 2011
Nakba Day protests	15 May 2011
Ramy Fakhry	13 May 2011
Imbaba church attacks	7 May 2011
8 April officers	8/9 April 2011
Zamalek vs Africain match	2 April 2011
Torture and virginity tests	9 March 2011
Church demolition and burning in Atfeeh	5 March 2011
Corruption, abuses and miscellaneous others	February 2011 –  to date.

Morsi's State

Each passing day Morsi's decisions undermine his leadership and that of his group the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) eating away at their legitimacy. What we're seeing is not really a president but a puppet controlled by the MB Guidance Bureau. At best, what we're seeing is a hesitant incompetent president who does not think his decisions through, always backing down, never listening to his people. Morsi declared a state of emergency in three cities despite earlier promises from him and his group that this will never happen and that the law is enough to deal with whatever problem arises. They are fully aware of how this law can be used to fight political opponents. Morsi declared a curfew which people are not convinced off and he backed down on his decision, like he has done numerous times.

Police are shooting at people indiscriminately, seldom upholding the law, often following illegitimate orders. This is the police of a dictatorship not a democracy. We've seen protesters killed, incredible amounts of tear gas and more than that, a five star hotel being looted right next to where they were stationed. There is no good reason not to believe that the thugs who attacked the Semiramis were not state sponsored.

The public prosecutor is privately owned by the Muslim Brotherhood, never looking into any of their crimes but instead targeting their enemies. Most recently he outlawed 'The Black Bloc' as a terrorist group without any evidence. They released a few youtube videos and have worn masks while attending protests. Worse than that, he asked civilians arrest members of the Black bloc.

The judiciary is corrupt, but what Morsi is doing is taking it over rather than reforming it. A very politicized decision in the Port Said Massacre case, and a speech that asks us to accept the rulings of a court he once accused of corruption.

Freedoms are regressing, with attacks on media in various forms. Early retirement of Hani Shukrallah, editor in chief of Ahram Online, lawsuits against satirical presenter Bassem Youssef  and the targeting of Christians in cases of 'defaming religion' are but small examples to the wider crackdown on freedoms.

Meanwhile, Morsi is securing international relationships in order to cement his rule. What will he do with the funds he secures from the European Union? Spend it on security, tear gas and ammunition?

There are two ways some sort of stability can be achieved, enough oppression or enough justice. Morsi has opted for the former, much like his predecessor. With the state of the people of Egypt it will have to be much more oppression than that practiced by Mubarak. In my mind I have no doubt that Morsi is willing to do what it takes to silence opposition and oppress the people. But the question isn't whether he is willing,  the question is whether he is capable. 

Protesting Is Not Enough

[Protesters set fire to tires near State TV building in Maspero on 25 January 2013. Photo by Wael Eskandar]

Another January 25 marked the third year of continued protests in the hopes of finding our way to a successful revolution. On Friday, I joined the Shubra march to Tahrir Square where I saw many the familiar faces along with many other protesters once again.

This was not like last year’s march. This year there was certainly less energy and even less cohesiveness in the very long march that extended along Shubra’s streets. The street was laden with pockets of protesters. The pockets could be identified from a distance along the road by the endless density of flags. They were flags of 6 April Movement, Revolutionary Socialists, and the big white flags with the iconic faces of the martyrs of the ongoing revolution, including Emad Effat, Mina Danial, Jika, and now added to that list was Al Husseiny Abo Deif, the al-Fagr reporter who died in the Ittihadeya clashes last December.

The sentiment across Cairo, and perhaps across all of Egypt, is that protesting is no longer enough. Two years into the revolution and the prospects of bring about meaningful change through peaceful protests are slowly diminishing. With virtually every promise made by President Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) to the public or to opposition broken, it seems that dialogue is not yielding satisfactory results. The leaders of the National Salvation Front (NSF) set up by Mohamed ElBaradie, Amr Moussa and Hamdeen Sabbahi seem aware of this reality, but are unable or unwilling to take a more confrontational stance against the current regime, thus falling far behind a more radicalized street movement.

The list of broken promises is too long to review. One notable promise that the MB betrayed pertains to producing a constitution through consensus and an inclusive constituent assembly that represents all factions of Egyptian society. Broken promises and lies have been so widespread and flagrant that a popular campaign Kazeboon (Liars) was re-launched to expose the MB’s lies through street screenings organized by citizens, movements and parties.

[Leader of Federation of Independent Trade Unions Kamal Abu-Eita speaks to crowds participating in Shubra-Tahrir Square march on 25 January 2013. Photo by Wael Eskandar]

Disenchantment with the ruling party and the formal opposition is reminiscent of the Hosni Mubarak era. Yet this time around independent actors are more willing to take matters into their own hands and do something about it. That perhaps explains why the protesters were not as energetic as they used to be in their chants against Morsi, the MB’s rule and the constitution. The hopes are no longer riding on chants and marches. Instead, hope seems to be riding on groups willing to escalate and adopt more adventurous tactics, such as the Ultras who blocked the metro for a few hours last Wednesday, and later on the same day, the vital sixth of October bridge.

The Shubra march featured one group that has been the subject of interest for many protesters in Egypt in the past two days, namely the Black Bloc. The group is comprised of young protestors who cover their faces in ski masks or scarves. The Black Bloc released a statement identifying their purpose as standing up to the “fascist oppressors” the Muslim Brotherhood. They have also warned the Ministry of Interior not to get involved in the fight between the people and the Brotherhood. The group has no official presence on social media networks It is unclear whether they had a role to play in skirmishes between marchers and what appeared to be Muslim Brotherhood personnel near the Ikhwan Online offices in Tawfikeya. Rock throwing was exchanged between the two sides, but eventually the march proceeded normally.

[Black Bloc protesters in the march from Shubra to Tahrir on 25 January 2012. Photo by Wael Eskandar]

Absent from the protests was any presence by the Muslim Brotherhood, which remained largely silent about the protests. Similar to their predecessors among the Mubarakists, they seem to have left their political problems for the police to handle on the streets. When clashes ensued the police used more potent teargas this time, as if, as popular allegations go, ineffective teargas was the reason Mubarak was toppled. While in Tahrir Square the night of 24 January, the effects of the gas seemed more extreme than previous times I had experienced it, even though the canisters were often a long way off.

At some point in the afternoon, protesters made their way up the sixth of October bridge and blocked all traffic. Tahrir Square exhibited the usual duality in these types of situations, wherein the vast majority of the people stood in one area, leaving a select few at the front lines of confrontations with the police.

[Protesters set fire to tires near State TV building in Maspero on 25 January 2013. Photo by Wael Eskandar]

As we headed to the protests near the State TV building in Maspero security forces  fired at us excessive amounts of teargas, even though provocation was not apparent. The more they fired, the louder and more energetic the chants became.

Protesters’ tactics seems to have shifted towards direct action such as blocking vital means of transportation and occupying government buildings. There have also been talks of picking up arms, or at least investing in equipment that could serve to protect protesters from the brutal attacks of security forces. With the policing establishment inherited from the Mubarak era left unreformed, the vast majority of Egyptians believe that the police sole purpose is to serve the interests of the rulers rather than protect the innocent and uphold the law.

From the perspective of the regime, Tahrir Square seems to be the safest place for protests as it is not in the immediate vicinity of any of the vital buildings such as the Giza or Cairo governorate buildings, State TV, or parliament. More importantly, is far away from the main MB headquarters in Moqattam. The protesters’ fixation on Tahrir square in Cairo seems to be more of a setback than an advantage. Many protesters in other governorates, such as Mahalla, Ismailia andSuez, have already stormed government buildings and police stations. Cairo’s protesters are unable to follow suit due to heavy security presence and the location of Tahrir Square.

As the clashes continue, the Brotherhood and its supporters will continue to label their challengers hired thugs. For anyone on the ground, however, it is clear that these are not thugs, but revolutionary youth enraged by the feeling of being cheated out of the revolution they deserve.

Published in Jadaliyya on 27 January 2013

My Enemy is Injustice - A Résumé of Limited Revolutionary Credentials

Like all Egyptians I was disenchanted by both opposition and ruler. I never queued up to vote and never joined a party. I was nothing more than an Egyptian, degraded as that may be. I have no tolerance for extremism and that is why I am appalled by the continued efforts of a patriarchal society to subdue women. I did not think that Human Rights were an absolute truth but a general formula for a minimum standard from which we can work up.

The revolution happened, and even though I took to the streets on January 25, I never reached Tahrir that day. It was only a beginning not just for the revolution but for me as well.

Everything in my life seems ill-timed. I finished the last of my high school exams before reaching 14 and did not fully discover my true passion for poetry and literature till I turned 16. I graduated as an engineer at age 20, but found my calling in writing at age 25. I understood people and life since I was 16 but could not fully fathom the true nature of politics till I was 30. I’m grown up in parts and stifled in others. I understand some things, and I’m ignorant of others.

Why all these confessions? I’m not sure, but it feels that this is a time of great misunderstanding and my confessions may avert confusions.

I’ve long despised the army, not because of my intimate knowledge of its economic empire which I had known nothing about, but because of the culture of slavery which I thought was too demeaning. To serve in a place that humiliates you and to serve another man as master is far too degrading. Luckily I did not have to serve. And so when the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) took over, I was hesitant  about whether to trust the army. I waited for an answer from those more learned than me, but did not stumble across Robert Springborg’s “Game over: The chance for democracy in Egypt is lost” during the revolution nor Ellis Goldberg’s “Mubarakism without Mubarak”. So I waited in vain while no answers were given. But as I waited I reasoned for myself what it was clear to see, that the army was not to be trusted. It took me 12 days from February 12 to February 24 to be struck with the epiphany of what the army was really after. I wrote it down on a word file and then published it to Facebook and then later my blog.

Ever since then, my own reasoning has superseded all other voices. I read a lot of what others have to say but I’ve become slow to believe a voice that does not echo my own. I’ve learned to read news though I’ve never been interested in it, but somehow what was happening around me became integral to my life and to my future and, at some points, integral to my sanity. I opposed SCAF vehemently and received a lot of criticism from very close friends, but I wasn’t parroting, I had my reasoning and facts. As time proved me right, many of those friends sent me apologies and those who did not, agreed in their own way. The more time passed, the more my own assumptions and reasoning made sense.

I learned more about what I did not know: politics and history. I found my own understanding of people and life useful so I combined my study and my acquired skill. It seemed to me that I was getting things right on my own, without the voices that people usually listened to. During the revolution all idols were broken anyway and the limited imagination of those who controlled us became more and more apparent. I found voices that knew more than I did and reasoned better. I was humbled and became attentive to these voices but never lost confidence in my own.

I used my reasoning and more importantly my values to determine my position. I objected to the military trials of civilians, and found it surprising how Islamists were forgiving and used twisted logic to justify injustices. I voted no during the first referendum and yet saw some of those around argue for stability and production wheels. I refuse a stability built on injustice.

Many had accepted injustice either in fear of things to come or in hopes of things to come. I rejected both paths.  I found myself alone, with a select few who were too little and too despised to challenge public sentiments at least for some time. Yet we kept calling, even if we knew we were calling in the dark because right was right.

It didn’t matter who was in uniform, it didn’t matter who was at the podium, it didn’t matter who was with a beard, I rejected what I thought was unjust. Even when Pope Shenouda thanked our killers, the criminal SCAF, I objected in public and made my stance known. I cared only for what’s right.

The Islamists came, and their first order of business was to suppress us. They did that in so many ways. They thanked our killers, empowered them and promised them safe exit. They abandoned us, condemned us and lied to us. I saw no reason not to be vocal. As I condemned the liars and stood up to their injustice, criticisms against me grew. Once again, like I was very early on with SCAF, I was too loud, too vocal, too uncompromising. I was never trained at this, I know no other way. I see a truth and attempt to express it.  I spoke against the military, the pope and the Islamists.  I’m not afraid of speaking the truth, yet my sincerity and credibility are usually in question. I was accused before of being an Islamist, and I was accused as well of being felool. All of this means very little to me, I chose to speak my truth.

I speak against the Islamists now not because of their religion, but because of their beliefs. That the ends justify the means, that they can use the name of their religion to garner political gains, that they can lie in order to justify the deaths and pain.

The Islamists want the poor to remain poor so that they can control them through charity. That is what I object to, not their religion. The Islamists want to suppress our freedoms so that they can better control our contributions to their empire, that is what I object to, not their religion. The Islamists cut themselves a deal with the military that killed us and took our freedoms, that is what I object to, not their religion. The Islamists exchanged our justice for their power, kept our killers safe, and promised them to be able to detain us, torture us, beat us, kill us. For what? For thirty pieces of silver? That is what I object to not their religion.

But now, their intentions are clear. It’s out in the open and there is no need for me to scream. Everyone knows now what I said then, and it doesn’t seem so ridiculous. The truth is enough to expose what they are without any lies. I know I’ve never tried to spread any. I’ve tried to correct whatever false information I may have contributed to.  Everyone knows what I know, and yet now even as I speak, some think of me as a Copt.

I have never been a Copt, never politically. I have only been truthful. I have stood against what I thought was unjust, in whatever form it takes. I have stood by the truth, whatever it may be. I have sided with Copts when they were discriminated against. I have sided with the Islamists when they were violently attacked in Abbaseya.

The December referendum was about Islamists versus Egypt, not about a constitution. It was about the domination of Egyptians rather than their dominance. The lack of protection of freedoms and rights, the cementing of military rule within the constitution along with attempting to destroy the independence of trade unions or institutions was something destructive enough to stand against.

My duty is to myself, not to a religious leader, not to a party, faction, or idea that collides with reality. My one bias is to the truth. I have been careful about that. I may use my personal judgement, experience and logic along the way, but my conclusions results from my analysis, I never start with dogmatic conclusions.

I have seen what power does, and I know what those seeking power want.  My real enemy was never Mubarak, my enemy was never SCAF, my enemy was never the Islamist.  My enemy is injustice.

First published in EgyptSource, Atlantic Council on January 16, 2013.

The Reverence of a Mother

Layla Marzouk, Khaled Said's mother

Last Friday I had the honor of accompanying Khaled Said’s mother and sister into Kasr El Dobara Church for an early celebration of Christmas. Outside the church, I talked to them in a casual manner unsure of what to say. When we approached the gate, the organizers’ faces were smiling joyfully as they met us at the door when we were ushered in.

I was just behind Khaled Said’s mother as they made their way to their seats as a hymn was being sung. As we passed the pews full of worshipers, heads turned to look at that magnificent lady who had not stopped fighting for justice for her son. I felt much warmth coming from those seated. They were welcoming, not just with their faces but with all their being. They were accommodating, although they were not doing much to accommodate but it was as if they were putting aside their own energies to give way to hers.

I felt that warmth even though it was not directed at me, but so much love and kindness exuded around me. It then dawned on me that when Khaled Said was killed, all of Egypt needed to mobilize to attempt to bring about justice for his death. That is what it takes to bring back a lost right personified in the death of Khaled Said. For the murder of this young man was not just a crime against him and his family, but against all of Egypt. It is a crime so colossal that an entire nation had to move to respond. It is the murder of a people. It is the degradation of a nation and the impunity of a criminal state.

There is an aura of reverence around Khaled Said’s mother and I was privileged to have witnessed it. It must have come from so much resilience in the face of an unjust beast that took her son away. She survived the defamation campaign against her son and all the pressures to let his murderers go in silence. The loss of a son compounded with no remorse and no justice.

The beast lives on and people are still fighting. I looked around me and I saw so many faces, of those who were part of the church and those who were invited and sat in the first few seats. I realized that these are the people I would rather be with. Not those who tell you not to try because we can’t change anything, not those who align themselves with power, not those who have no purpose in life than to gain power over people.

I do not know if we will win or lose. In a way we’ve won a lot already and lost even more. I’m not certain if our attempts to seek justice for those fallen will ever come to fruition. But somewhere along the way I learned not to despair, because the most important thing is to align your actions with your beliefs. We were given a great opportunity in Egypt to do just that. We were given the opportunity to take out the values from the books to express them in our streets with our people.

I suppose what I’m trying to say is that I would rather be among those people who are ready to risk their well-being for a chance to make things right.

Another New Year - All of this is Real

I’ve long been accustomed to writing grim posts on special occasions even from before our special occasions turned grim by nature.  Now all we have are the grim occasions to commemorate rather than celebrate, the death of our fallen heroes or their birthdays. In the past two years, life was on fast forward. Each day brought new calamities and once in a while there were small victories.

Anyway, this post is about the New Year. I’ve long celebrated it with caution, and never more so than this year. My thoughts travel to many different places in the past and in the future. They’re both part of one another and this day does not separate them. This is just an arbitrary point in time to look back at the past and look forward to the future as you ride that wave that turns one into the other.

I have nothing more to say about New Year and its resolutions than I’ve said in the past. I’ve made the ultimate new year’s resolution that everyone does and no one ever keeps. I find that the one thing worth looking into is the past, not to weep over it but to learn from it. Maybe by looking honestly into it, I can help with what’s to come more than all the haughty resolutions few people tend to keep.

The sad things is that the new year caught me at a time when I’m unable to make a formidable assessment.  Am I a better person for all that I’ve seen and all that I’ve stood for? I don’t know. I’m enough of a realist to entertain the notion that perhaps all that has happened has only worn me down. I’m not yet bouncing back and I don’t know anymore if all that has happened will allow me to.

I’ve stared injustice in the face. That’s my obsession now, injustice. I don’t want to see it, but it follows me everywhere. The biggest problem is that it’s systematic. It’s not just isolated cases. I’m living in a country where avoiding it is a fluke. The system is set up so that injustice prevails. That is what’s wearing me down.

I have become a lot more emotional. I’m not one who has much empathises much. In fact, someone once jokingly said I must have ‘blunted affect’. Yet my tears have become closer to my eyes than before. It’s not a movie we’re watching with actors playing heroes, it’s the real deal. It’s the young people brave enough to believe in ideals we’ve encountered in books or movies or deep within ourselves that move me. It’s not a video game and there aren’t always cameras rolling, but I’ve seen people armed with nothing but their ideals and the occasional rock stand up to guns and foreign funded weaponry. I’ve seen faith in freedom fuelling the bodies of young and old through long hard days where hope is elusive. I’ve heard the chants and the flags waving tirelessly in the face of hard hearted criminals that betray their sworn duties.

These are the things that make me cry. All of this is real. This is what they’ve tried to capture in books and films, but we’ve captured it in reality.

Has all this made me a better person? Perhaps not, perhaps it made me a weaker person. I’ve never believed that what doesn’t kill you makes you stronger, maybe it just makes you weaker and wears you down.

I’m not the same person I used to be. I’m a little more irritable, sensitive, argumentative and impatient. I haven’t been able to deal well with my rejections and find my peace because of all that has been happening around me. I long for moments of peace when I can find my old serene self that took me through the many hardships I faced. I feel there’s someone buried deep inside with the power to turn all the bad into good, but I’m gasping for air and cannot find that shore on which to rest and recover before I continue swimming.

I don’t know if this is something that will last, I have this faith within me that that buried person will re-emerge from the depths and make sense of all of this. This is not a book I’m reading, this is life and this is real, maybe that’s why it’s difficult to know what I’ll do with all of this, because it’s so raw. No one transformed it into words, no one transformed it into music, no one transformed it into pictures.

These genuine times are more confusing than what we’re told to believe and see. The evil as real as the good. That confrontation with both is taking its toll on me. This is real life, no guarantee that good will prevail over evil. One thing in the fantasy resembles reality though, good is beautiful and evil is ugly. They never capture it well though, the beauty of good people, with all their flaws and imperfections, trying to do right by themselves. And the ugliness of evil people, with their insistence on squandering all their chances, and truly hurting millions around them selfishly.

The goodness seeps inside your bones and moves you to tears. The ugliness clouds your days and enrages you enough to reconsider everything you’ve been told.

Rebuttal of Guardian's "Egypt: building on sand"

One of the few instances where I took the time to write a point by point rebuttal of a very flawed editorial published in the the Guardian. Lately their editorials have been terribly flawed and have ignored the reporting published in their own paper which is far more accurate and on point.

Egypt: building on sand

The irony of having won this particular constitutional battle is that Morsi has emerged from it with weaker powers

Not all founding fathers are as fondly remembered as America's. The three men who carved up the Soviet Union in Stalin's hunting lodge in Belovezhskaya forest are not today revered as scions of a new order.Egypt's constitution, which appeared to have been passed on Sunday by 64%, has also had a turbulent birth. The result itself came from a low turnout and there were claims of election fraud. The crisis started when Egypt's Islamist president, Mohammed Morsi, awarded himself the power to push through a draft that had not been agreed, prompting a stream of resignations.

That's not where the problem started, that's when it became evident. The problem started with the very important promises which Morsi made and broke, such as a new representative constituent assembly and a consensus constitution. He also sidelined all other political forces as well as a great many of his presidential team.

He said it was to stop the constitutional court from declaring the whole exercise null and void, but the judiciary revolted as a result. 

Is what he said enough to do away with very legitimate concerns about the decree? Furthermore it is not only the constituent assembly that he protected but Shura Council as well. He also appointed a biased General Prosecutor.  What did he have to say about all of this? 

Clashes between rival armed groups ensued :  

very inaccurate to describe it that way, but more importantly misleading 

up to 2 million Christians voted against the referendum and some leaders called for the president's removal. If this is a victory, it has been a costly one. 

Now if I knew nothing about Egypt, this would be a very strange way to express what happened after, for starters, which leaders asked for his removal? It was the people on the streets but 'leaders' had only asked him to rescind his declaration before negotiations. If there's something I'm missing about leadership and their calls let me know. Not to mention the 2 million votes from Christians implies that this constitution angered Christians. It could have been to indicate the split in that department but it is ambiguous, paints an incomplete picture and it's shallow. 

The revolutionary unity seen fleetingly in Tahrir Square has been shattered. 

How about the new unity found? What unity in Tahrir had been shattered? It was not a result of this declaration but two long years of splits between islamists and all other forces, if anything there was a new unity with people who hardly left their 'couch'.

Mr Morsi was accused of behaving like a military dictator, 

He was accused of behaving like a dictator, not particularly of the military sort, but having legislative  and executive powers and putting himself above judiciary oversight is just an accusation? Particularly that he would not back down and hadn't rescinded his decrees but only the 'declaration?

but the irony of having won this particular constitutional battle is that he has emerged from it with weaker powers. 

Morsi the poor martyr, the constitution gives him less powers, leaves him all alone without a vice president and without powers. Sarcasm aside, how is that an honest statement? The problem with Morsi is the control of a group over the country not just particularly himself, where in this editorial does it point to that real problem of the MB guidance council ruling instead of even just Morsi? It is also naive to think that appointments where he signs his name detracts power considering how much pressure he can apply through other powers he has through the constitution. 

Under the terms of the new constitution, he cannot interfere with any judicial appointment but only sign the names offered to him by the supreme judicial council. His legislative powers revert to the upper house of parliament, the Shura council, pending the elections of the lower house. This is loaded in favour of the Islamists and Mr Morsi will struggle to make it more representative even by nominating more members of the Coptic orthodox, Catholic and Protestant churches to it, as he did on Sunday. But he has promised to put amendments to the controversial articles of the constitution to the first session of parliament, if agreement can be reached between the major political parties.

See previous statement about Shura council, the word struggle is true but not in the sense implied by this writer. The statement sounds as though he were not responsible for the situation we're all in. We've seen all the promises of Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, they mean nothing. Also ignored is the fact  he could have called off the referendum but was more interested in getting passed in any way, breaking the promise of not putting it up for a public referendum without consensus, clearly there wasn't. People didn't even make it to 67% agreement which was the minimum for the constituent assembly, meaning that it wasn't representative, an important point while trying to make it out that Morsi is trying reach an agreement.

In his wish to speedily install a new order, Mr Morsi cut corners, at times dangerously. His emergency decree overriding all judicial oversight was cast much too wide. Verbal violence soon became physical after a tent encampment outside the presidential palace was broken up violently.  The opposition claimed they were beaten, detained and tortured. The Muslim Brotherhood insist they were shot at hours later. These scenes were a disaster for a president who has vowed to represent not just Islamist Egypt but all Egypt.

Who broke it up? Not mentioned, also the opposition claim and the MB insist, fine if you're going to take sides, but at least make it clear that Morsi's MB men called for this break up and their supporters actually executed it, meaning the president and his group were directly responsible, this article makes it out like these events just happened spontaneously. The scenes were prompted by political action, not just an accident like the train hitting the Assuit. This is an important distinction as it is affects the picture painted by this editorial. It's an opinion, but making the facts ambiguous to drive a point is either ignorant or dishonest.

The polarisation is not likely to lessen with these results.

To be fair that's the one thing in the entire piece that may not be misleading. 

Despite the low turnout, the Brotherhood will claim 64% as a decisive victory. Mr Morsi has seen his vote go up in some areas of the country that voted for his rival Mr Ahmed Shafiq in the presidential election. For the secularist and liberal opposition, and many outside observers, the most telling statistic was the low turnout. It means the grand foundational text of the new Egypt is only actively supported by about one in five of the electorate. The decision of Egypt's Coptic church to call for a no vote, 

The church asks their constituency to participate, unsure when they called for no, but even if they did, why is it not mentioned that they were not involved in writing the constitution pulling out after their input was ignored? It's not the duty of the writer to write all the facts, but those that are relevant an help. That aside, it doesn't make sense to single them out as calling for that no vote, even Abdel Monem Abol Fottouh called for it, along with numerous other forces in the country. This in relationship to the next line also seems to push forward the idea put forward by the Muslim Brotherhood that Christians are the main actors behind the opposition.

at a time when the imams held back, 

Factually not true, see Alexandria Mosque one week prior and see Imam who was transferred from his post because he refused to support the constitution, this is not just a biased opinion, it's a lie.

is a sign of deep tensions. After such a decision, it becomes easier to characterise the polarisation as a religious one. 

If the facts are untrue, the conclusion is flawed.

Such a result might add weight to the view that the conflict was not about an Islamist constitution, but about two very different visions of society: a defined identity-based project to see a more Islamised Egypt; and a more pluralist vision of a democracy, with multiple identities. But the problem is also a practical one. No one behaved as if they wanted to build a pluralist society. 

Add weight to the view, so flawed information which leads to a flawed conclusion is all to add weight to this idea? Also no one behaved as if they wanted a pluralist society? Liberals have long accepted Article 2 of the constitution? Saying 'no one' is a very weak argument.  When you say both sides are wrong, you're covering up for one of them, usually the stronger side. Other sides weren't given a chance. Also remember that El Baradie was inclusive about including the Muslim Brotherhood in the Egyptian Association for change despite everything.

The art of compromise was not much in evidence. Mr Morsi started out with the intention of creating a broad tent involving minorities – but that approach also depended on the ability to keep everyone inside that tent. The last few months have made that increasingly difficult. The one hope is that this result encourages both side to fight the parliamentary elections.

What is he driving at? Honestly I just don't understand the reasoning, how does polarisation turn into hope through fighting for parliamentary elections. Why is there a message to move on about the constitution despite fraud  which the writer himself mentioned and more importantly no consensus? How can a society split up moved past a non consensus constitution with a low turn out and low percentage in favor at that?

President Morsi's task is now clear. 

Clear to who?

It is not to entrench the divide but to reach across it to all Egyptians, Christian or Muslim, secular or religious, liberal or conservative. 

The entire piece ignores Morsi's role in all this.He took measures to divide in the first place as if it were his task, so how is it clear that his task has now changed?

 Mr Morsi's will have only established a constitution worthy of the name when that happens. 

Has the writer even read the constitution? The constitution itself helps widen the gap, the Christians he wishes to bring closer were not consulted, the MB have issued statements accusing them of being at the protests and being behind all opposition and the No votes. This is on their official site. The writer can pretend that the constitution articles have nothing to do with it, this is something I can only disagree with and it would be unfair of me to put it in the category of inaccurate facts but rather laziness or poor reasoning. Overall, aside from the factual inaccuracies, unreasonable conclusions and the generally poor quality, this editorial paints a very inaccurate simplistic picture, awfully close to propaganda.