Monday, October 31, 2011

@alaa

Alaa AbdelFattah (@alaa) was detained by military prosecution for 15 days pending further military investigations. The news is all too reminiscent of 2006 when Alaa was arrested for partaking in demonstrations supporting the independence of judiciary in Egypt.

@alaa

Alaa was summoned on bogus charges of inciting violence during the Maspero massacre. He was detained after refusing to acknowledge the legitimacy of the military trials for civilians as well as for objecting that the real culprits of the Maspero massacre are performing the investigations. 

There is no evidence at all to support these charges. To get a clearer picture of how absurd the charges are, Mina Danial, who was killed by the army, possibly by snipers, was among those accused of the same charges.

The reason for targeting Alaa is perhaps due to his involvement in the revolution. We are witnessing the vendetta of a regime we failed to bring down. Alaa's last article in El Shorouk may have had something to do with it, where he explained how the autopsies of the martyrs helped implicate the army in their murder.

What we are witnessing here is not the utter incompetence of an investigative body but the reaction of a criminal asked to investigate his own crime. The criminal does everything possible to steer clear of any real evidence, and when the body of evidence is so overwhelming as it is against the military in the Maspero massacre, the result is as ridiculous as accusing a victim of their own murder.


Saturday, October 29, 2011

Essam Atta

Links related to the case of Essam Ali Atta, victim of police brutality in Tora prison. Much like Khaled Said, police claims he has killed himself by swallowing drugs and there is cause to believe that the forensic report has been forged.

Essam Atta



Articles, Links and Testimonies 
Ahram Online Articles
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/25315.aspx
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/25318.aspx

Jack Shenker for the Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/28/egypt-anger-grows-death-torture

Report from Tahrir Doctors
http://tahrirdoctors.com/midandoctors/2011/10/29/بيان-عاجل-بخصوص-تشريح-جثمان-المواطن-عص/

Aida Seif El Dawla Testimony
http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=10150432395249365

Malek X testimony
http://malek-x.net/node/711

Ahmad Seyam, one of the attending doctors 
http://ahmadsyiam.blogspot.com/2011/10/blog-post_29.html?m=1

Al Masry Al Yom
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/509636

Washington Post
http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/egyptian-prisoner-tortured-to-death-activists-say/2011/10/28/gIQABPlRQM_story.html

Al Jazeera 
http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2011/10/2011102911326932794.html

MOI Statement (Arabic)
http://www.egypolice.com/?p=8629

Essam's alleged torture method
http://democrati.net/2011/10/30/essam-atta-alleged-torture-method-known-as-water-cure/


Videos

Gameela Ismail with Mona Seif and Malek Adly 

Gameela Ismail talks to General Mohamed Naguib and accuses him of the same old attitude



Mohamed Atta, Essam Atta's brother speaks on camera



Aida Seif El Dawla and her testimony on Al Jazeera 



Graphic video showing Essam Atta's body and his mother's reaction



The story of Essam Atta as told by his brother by No to Military Trials of Civilians


Facebook Groups

We are all Essam Atta Victim of Prison Torture


We are all Essam Ali (Arabic)

Tuesday, October 25, 2011

I’m Still Afraid

The simple fact of the matter is that we have an army that kills its own people. They used live rounds in previous incidents and in recent times added an Armored Personnel Carriers (APCs) running over unarmed protesters to their magnificent resume. The 'Maspero Massacre' is no isolated incident; it’s what soldiers have practiced for some time now.

"I used to be afraid, now I'm Egyptian"

It may be unimaginable to a westerner what it’s like in a country ruled by a mafia, a group of sinister men who care nothing for human related values and will stop at nothing to attain personal gains. This state of affairs may be difficult to fathom for anyone from a somewhat civilized society or someone never exposed to the brutality of a third world country.

Let me explain what it’s like. It’s not an absolute nightmare; it’s closer to a jungle with skewed rules. The one thing you can do to survive is forfeit your freedom along with any rights you may think you have. You are not to have an opinion, because having an opinion may lead to voicing it and voicing it may lead to some action or may just offend the masters. These sinister men will shut you up, kidnap you, torture you and even kill you if you criticize them or threaten their lawlessness. So in a way you may yet survive this tyranny by keeping your mouth shut, but if you get in their way, they will literally crush you.

The real problem in dealing with these mobsters is when you oppose them and try and take what’s yours. They do not believe your money, property or rights are yours anymore. They believe that they are invaders who have the right to control everything about you. They are like an occupying foreign force. Calling for what’s right becomes very dangerous.

I am sure of the army’s treachery, I am sure of the threat to my life and my safety when I protest. That’s why it’s not easy for me to go out and protest despite my certainty of their evil nature. I must first consider the specific cause for which I’m marching for, and after that I have to consider whether I’m willing to get hurt for it, go to jail or risk dying for it. There are times like the Abbaseya march when I went out knowing full well we were walking into a trap. There are other times when I was sure that at midnight, the attacks would commence, like the day the Israeli embassy was rumored to have been stormed. There are so many elements that go into making this decision, and the freedom of assembly or any other human right is not something one can take for granted.

I must confess I’m not one of those Egyptians who have rid themselves of fear. I have the same fear of being hurt or killed while marching or going to a protest. I don’t fit the stereotype of a valiant Egyptian revolutionary who has overcome his fears and marches bravely ready to die for his cause. I care for my life and I would rather live a good life than die at a protest. Not having the courage to face death, I still go out trying to avoid it but prepared for the possibility of a chance encounter.

So why go out with all these fears and calculations? Why even risk it? Perhaps I choose to march out of fear itself, for fear that the future will hold more dangers for me and for generations to come. Perhaps out of hope and perhaps the promise of a better life. But maybe the main reason I march is because of another force stronger than fear, a force of dignity.

I was raised to reject slavery in all forms and so, despite everything, I decided not to be a servant of evil beings. I come from a world of freedom that exists in some way around me and has been transferred inside me. If movies, books and literature have poisoned my brain then they have done the finest job deluding me into thinking I deserve freedom and that human life and dignity are worth something. The sinister men have tried to instill a sense of low self-worth and indignity within us. But somewhere along the line, the idea that humans are born free and are worthy of a decent life has seeped through the cracks. Their plan to keep us all in check has failed somewhere along the line. I have been damaged beyond repair and now I cannot rid myself of the idea that I deserve to be free.

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Utopia




"If you suffer your people to be ill-educated and their manners corrupted from infancy, and then punish them for those crimes to which their first education disposed them, what else is to be concluded, sire, but that you first make thieves and then punish them?"


~Thomas More

Sunday, October 16, 2011

The Maspero Aftermath

My words don’t mean much because no words can truly describe Egypt at the present moment. Cairo is now very morose and everyone with a conscience is filled with sadness. It’s a different kind of sadness, not the sadness over martyrs who have helped liberate the country, a sadness closer to defeat.


One must come to terms that the events of Maspero have been a great defeat to Egyptians. The greatest defeat was not that the military fired on its people, nor is it that the state media propagated lies inciting Egyptians, or that Egyptians took to the streets to kill each other with knives and swords. The greatest defeat was the reaction of Egyptian citizens to these events. The saddest part is that Egyptians believed the lies circulated by state TV that Copts started firing at the army but even those who did not believe didn’t really care.

They’re getting away with it like they have with many incidents in the past. They’re getting away with it because it happened to the Coptic Christians of Egypt. One might be tempted to say this isn’t accurate; the army attacked both Copts and Muslims and didn’t discriminate between either. I agree completely but the attacks and deaths have been associated to Copts, even if some Muslims partook and shared the same fate. Who will stand up for the Copts? Muslim extremists don’t mind that Copts were murdered and moderate Muslims are divided; some don’t mind what happened and others are incensed but the greater majority doesn’t really care. The fact remains that the military is reaping the benefits of the sectarian strife that the regime has sown for 60 years. The true tragedy is the indifference of the moderates; that is the true defeat.

The army got away with convincing the world that protesters stormed the Israeli embassy, and perhaps they would be surprised not to get away with the events of Maspero. But why should anything happen to them? Killers are still at large and continue to kill; those inciting hate, violence and murder are still broadcasting their lies; demonstrations and demonstrators are being crushed; why should anything change?

Those who support revolutionary change are disappointed and enraged. It is indeed disappointing to have an army that has betrayed its people, and state media that betrayed the truth but the most disappointing is to have Egyptians insisting on seeing lies as truth. Even the most optimistic of us have been worn down by the events of maspero.

The irony is that the brave resilient youth who stood up to one of the most brutal police regimes will not be defeated by the bullets and weapons of the regime, but by the soft whispers of their countrymen betraying their cause.

Egyptians have defeated themselves.  The pain of losing vibrant passionate people is exacerbated by the apathy of Egyptians who are charged with protecting them. As people were being buried after being run over by the army and killed using live ammo, apathetic Egyptians were discussing whether the Copts had a right to protest, and whether or not the church was burnt and perhaps even condemning the attacks of protesters on the APCs than ran over a third of the protesters that were killed. It seems that in Egypt APCs are more valuable than humans beings.

Monday, October 10, 2011

The Maspero Massacre on 9 October 2011

I am posting the following links I’ve collected on the events of Maspero on 9 October 2011. I am posting this without much commentary because the videos and the pictures speak for themselves. I only have this to say. What happened yesterday will beg the question, “Why?” because the “What” is already clear.

APC running protesters over

The army orchestrated an attack on Coptic protests to make it appear as though there is sectarian violence that is not sponsored by the state. They failed. Most Copts understand that this is the doing of the army, not the Muslims. I’m not sure how aware most Muslims are that the Copts did not start any of the violence.

More than 25 people were killed and over 300 others injured.

So why? Why did the army fire on people? Why is the SCAF orchestrating this? Why are Copts targeted?

I won’t go into lengthy answers, but this is the same old plan. It’s like the bombing of the church on New Year’s and it’s like many other sectarian clashes instigated by State Security.



APC running protesters over

(1.This video was removed)

2. What lead protesters to attack?
Very disturbing, APC running over protesters deliberately and mercilessly  http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=297792996913952
Minute 5.45 shows clearly without a doubt how the APC ran over protesters.. incredibly disturbing 
Army soldier actually firing from APC caught on video
Various Footage
How it all started
More footage (German TV)
The part the German TV did not catch
Egyptian soldier proud of having shot a protester Green laser pointer on a protester indicating presence of snipers
Sharaf was advised and did nothing A video implicating the army  Another video showing CSF and army damaging the cars Full version of the video showing army damaging cars Priest protecting a soldier from other protesters despite the murders before them Interview with priest who protected the soldier Eyewitness accounts, articles and blog posts
Hossam Bahgat's eyewitness account
Daily News Egypt
CNN Reports on the military's history of violence 
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LLiagb7-wxQ
Sarah Carr's footage of the Shubra march
Moustafa El Fouly saying dead protesters were thrown into the Nile
Arabawy's blog post 
Ahram Online article
Sarah Carr's first hand account on Al Masry Al Yom and on CBC
Jack Shenker's analysis on the Guardian
Eyewitness testimony from Hani Bushra
Ahdaf Soueif on the Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/oct/10/attack-on-egyptian-christians-not-sectarian?CMP=twt_gu Maspero Testimonies - A blog dedicated to documenting the eyewitness accounts of 9 October http://masperotestimonies.wordpress.com/ Guardian translates some testimonies  http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2011/oct/14/egypt-christians-copts-cairo-demonstrations-interactive Guardian documents some testimonies http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/11/cairo-witnesses-security-forces-bloodshed?CMP=twt_gu Al Masry Al Yom Editorial http://www.almasryalyoum.com/en/node/503904 International Federation for Human Rights http://www.fidh.org/The-Egyptian-Army-crushing Human Rights Watch http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/10/10/egypt-investigate-violence-against-coptic-christians Comprehensive Human Rights Watch Report http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/10/25/egypt-don-t-cover-military-killing-copt-protesters Amnesty International http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/deadly-clashes-coptic-protest-egypt-show-urgent-need-reform-2011-10-11 Mosireen.org - A collection of videos about the events http://mosireen.org/ El Nadeem cause of death report here  Same report in a blog post
TV channels being raided
25 Jan TV Channel raided
Al Hurrah raided
The Victims
Vivian talks about Michael Mosaad's murder by the army No arrests made... Another video :http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=271201212902672 Simon Hanna covers funeral for Ahram Online
Mina Daniel's Autopsy report: "Projectile entered the upper chest and exited from the lower back"
Shohada Maspero Website - Eyewitness testimonies
State TV Lies
Soldiers with one arm bandaged Rasha Magdy on State TV inciting Egyptians against Copts
Apologies for not getting the original video of soldiers lying about the events Soldier calls Christians sons of bitches

Friday, October 07, 2011

Meet the New Boss: A tale of military extortion

On the way back from Ain Sokhna close to 11 pm on Friday night, 23 September 2011, I was stopped by a group of army personnel. I was in the company of a male Egyptian friend and a female Australian friend (the significance of gender soon to be elucidated). They searched thoroughly through every piece of trash in my mess of a car and came up with an unopened bottle of alcohol kept in a back pack in the trunk of the car. 

“We found this,” the soldier promptly reported as he held up the cheap bottle. I carelessly remarked, “This is a closed container of alcohol.”
They continued to rummage through the car, over and over again with much redundancy. 
When they were done, one of the army personnel said they had to confiscate and break the bottle. I could not tell if he was an officer or a conscript, since he was wearing army pants and a designer shirt but in all likelihood, he was an officer since he had the freedom to do so. I once again emphasized that it was a closed container which meant they had no right to do so. 
The officer responded, “If there’s a closed one here, it means that another was consumed there.”
It may be pertinent to point that neither I nor my company had consumed any alcohol earlier. 
I responded, “the law says that …” and before I had completed the sentence, the officer said, “Don’t talk to me about the law, I’ve been up since 6 am in the morning doing this.”
I did not care for the bottle in any way, but my concern was for being a victim of illegitimate abuse. I insisted that he had no legal ground for confiscating the bottle, and he insisted he didn’t care much for legitimacy. 
“Where did you buy this?” he asked.
“Duty free,” I said.
“Do you have your passport to prove it?”
“No.”
“Then I’m sorry.”
“I could have bought it from Egypt and paid 3000 LE in customs for all you care,” I said.
My friend spoke to the officer, aggressively opposed to his actions. The officer in retaliation said that he could just through it up in the air and smash it if he wanted to. My friend said he couldn’t do that, but I on the other hand agreed with the officer. 
“You can do whatever you want because you’re carrying a gun, but not because you have a right to,” I said.
He said that nothing can be done by force and that he had his orders. He went on to say, “I have orders to confiscate any drugs, electric shock, alcohol and condoms.”
“Condoms?” I asked.
“Yes,” he replied, “just earlier today we stopped 73 cars and the women were all complaining when we confiscated their electric shocks.”
“I understand about electric shocks and drugs, but the rest of your instructions are illegal. How do I know you really have orders to confiscate these items?” I asked.
He said, “It’s simple we wait for a military truck that transfers you to C28, the prosecution for military intelligence and then you get to find out.”
“You want me to go to military prosecution infamous for locking up 12,000 people unjustly where trials are done in an officer’s mess for this?” I responded.
“What trials?” he said, “Don’t believe all that you hear.” 
“You and I both know this is what happens,” I responded.  “I’m not going to waste my time waiting for that truck when we both know that you do not have the right to confiscate alcohol if it’s in a closed container. Besides, if I knew I was doing something wrong, I wouldn’t have argued with you for so long, and more importantly if you knew you had a right to do what you’re doing, you wouldn’t have been so patient and civil in this conversation.”
We talked for around 30 minutes. It was the same old technique used by Egyptian police to blackmail passersby on the road. The idea as I learned from earlier encounters was that the security personnel would use threats of time wasting and hassles in order for you to bribe them. 
The officer held on to the alcohol bottle, and said that he had to destroy it. He said he’d pour it all out to show us that he was actually getting rid of it. What did he think we were suspicious of? Whatever suspicions we may have not have of him trying to take this bottle for him and his buddies were asserted.
I explained to my Australian friend what was going on and translated some of the conversation.
Me and my Egyptian friend quarreled and were intent on not allowing this abuse of power. Many words were exchanged. Despite the absurdity of the situation, I noticed that the army officers were still new at this. They exerted too much effort searching the car, something the police would have been more efficient at. They also couldn’t maintain that balance between power and abuse. They were too civil at times and too threatening at times. 
In a few months, they would perfect these attacks. After enough abuses they would find out that they need to exert less effort searching the cars, they need to be less tense when issuing threats and they would get what they wanted easily from those who cared more for their time than they cared for the rule of law. 
I knew that the price for my time was the bottle, and it’s a price I would be willing to pay in different circumstances. But with that price, I would have given up my rights and the rule of law which I wasn’t willing to give away. I was ready to wait it out and perhaps even risk the chance of facing military prosecution with falsified charges because I didn’t want to willingly give up my right and succumb to military extortion.
My Australian friend had stood at a distance and hadn’t engaged the officers in any conversation. 
“This is ridiculous,” she finally said addressing the officer in English. 
“No this is not ridiculous,” responded the officer looking surprised. I was surprised too, for other reasons. I had not expected the officer to understand the word ‘ridiculous’ and hadn’t expected him to respond in English.
He then stood there for five seconds trying to find the words to convince her of his position, but found none. He then handed her the cheap bottle saying, “A gift for you.” 

Saturday, September 24, 2011

In All Cases, the State of Emergency

“In all cases, the announcement of a state of emergency will be for a limited time period not exceeding 6 months,” so says article 59 of the provisional constitution. ‘In all cases’, that’s a very powerful phrase and it’s not a mistranslation either. It did not say in ‘all of the above cases’ or ‘in most cases’ or ‘in all relevant cases’. The absoluteness of this statement is beyond contention. Since this is the constitution we’re plagued with, we must follow this rule.



According to Tarek El Bishry, who headed the committee to write the new constitutional declaration, the emergency law has ended on 19 September, 6 months after the referendum. 
I personally think it will end on 30 September, 6 months after the adoption of the provisional constitution on 30 March .
In any case, we know that we were in a state of emergency when the SCAF announced that military trials will be ongoing as long as the emergency law is active. That happened even before the events of the Israeli embassy on 9 September and the announcement that the emergency law was necessary.
The SCAF on the other hand, thinks that Mubarak’s declaration of the extension of the emergency law is still valid till June 2012. They are gravely mistaken. Article 62 states "All laws and regulations decided upon before the publication of this Announcement remain valid and implemented; however, it is possible to cancel laws or amend them according to the rules and procedures adopted in this Announcement."

This means that any law in conflict with the new constitutional declaration needs to be amended to match the constitution, which means the decision taken in 2010 to extend the emergency law is void because it is in direct conflict with the constitution and constitutions supersede any law. The SCAF do not have the power to extend the emergency law in absence of a parliament and a popular referendum.
Article 59
The president of the republic, after taking into account the opinion of the cabinet, can announce a state of emergency as stipulated in law. He/she must present this announcement to the People’s Assembly within the seven subsequent days to decide its view on this matter. If the state of emergency is announced in a period of recess, the Assembly must be called back to session immediately to review the matter, taking into account the time limit mentioned above. If the People’s Assembly is dissolved, the matter will be reviewed by the new Assembly at its first meeting. A majority of the members of the People’s Assembly must agree to the announcement of a state of emergency. In all cases, the announcement of a state of emergency will be for a limited time period not exceeding 6 months. It is not permissible to extend it, except after a people’s referendum on the matter and their agreement to an extension.
In all cases, we cannot be in a state of emergency for more than six months. Yet we are. The real state of emergency is a military dictatorship that does not respect the constitution or the law or any of its citizens for that matter. The real problem is that we have no means of respecting the law as long as the enforcers themselves are the law breakers.

Tuesday, September 20, 2011

Article 56: A Referendum Disrespected

I know I’m revisiting an old topic, but perhaps it is not clear to some that the referendum has been disrespected and the constitution has no legitimacy.


What was the referendum about? The answer is not as complex as some people make it out to be. It was a referendum to change eight articles of the 1971 constitution. Argue what you will about what you thought it was, that is what was written and that is what you signed. It wasn’t about Article 2 of the constitution as some made it out to be and it wasn’t about the legitimacy of the Supreme  Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) as others claim. It was all written in the document signed by millions of Egyptians.
It makes no sense to argue that the referendum was something other than was written. Why would it be? Why would they not write what it truly was? If you signed a cheque for a million pounds, is it a valid argument to claim that you were told it meant a hundred pounds? It would only make sense if you hadn’t read what you signed, and that would be foolish anyway.
The reason we have to be crystal clear about what the referendum was about is to understand whether it was respected or not. The truth, plain and simple: It was not.
What was supposed to happen?
Had the referendum been respected, the ’71 constitution would have been brought back to life with the eight articles amended and any contradiction removed. This meant, however, that the head of the constitutional court would take charge of Egypt, something the SCAF would never allow.
Assuming for a ludicrous moment that respecting the referendum meant a new constitutional declaration that nullifies the ’71 constitution, what would it entail? It would mean adding articles from ’71 constitution along with the eight new articles voted in. Even though this scenario would have contradicted the text in the referendum, it still would have been acceptable.
What actually happened?
What actually happened is nothing short of a disaster. The SCAF added seven of the eight articles voted in by Egyptians, altered one of them and declared a new constitution. They added a grand total of 57 more articles that no one agreed to or was aware of. Although many articles were compliant with the dreaded ’71 constitution, the number of crucial and dictatorial articles added was almost as many as those voted on.
The real disaster however is article 56, which grants the SCAF the powers of a dictator. The article states:
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces deals with the administration of the affairs of the country. To achieve this, it has directly the following authorities:
1)      Legislation
2)      Issuing public policy for the state and the public budget and ensuring its implementation
3)      Appointing the appointed members of the People’s Assembly
4)      Calling the People’s Assembly and the Shura Council to enter into normal session, adjourn, or hold an extraordinary session, and adjourn said session.
5)      The right to promulgate laws or object to them.
6)      Represent the state domestically and abroad, sign international treaties and agreements, and be considered a part of the legal system of the state.
7)      Appoint the head of the cabinet and his/her deputies and ministers and their deputies, as well as relieve them of their duties.
8)      Appoint civilian and military employees and political representatives, as well as dismiss them according to the law; accredit foreign political representatives.
9)      Pardon or reduce punishment, though blanket amnesty is granted only by law.
10)   Other authorities and responsibilities as determined by the president of the republic pursuant to laws and regulations. The Council shall have the power to delegate its head or one of its members to take on its responsibilities.
I am quite certain that if a law suit were to be filed against the SCAF for their actions in disrespecting the referendum, the court would rule against them. However, as things stand, the SCAF control everything and so fairness is not an option.
Other articles that were not part of the referendum or the 1971 constitution are 57, 58, 59, 61, 62. Article 189 was transformed into article 60 with changes contrary to the referendum which accepted the article as it was.
What does it all mean?
The intentional disrespect of a nationwide referendum is symptomatic of a dictatorship that did not end with the fall of Mubarak. If a person’s vote has not been respected in a referendum that the SCAF itself designed, then how will it be respected in the upcoming elections?
Those calling for a constitution before elections are not disrespecting the referendum in any way. It is the SCAF that disrespected the referendum, the revolution and the entire country. These are greedy men who will never relinquish control.

Tuesday, September 13, 2011

There Was No Storm

Military personnel organizing the alleged 'storming' of  the embassy

The storming of the Israeli embassy is a catastrophe, not because it is a diplomatic incident, or because protests got out of hand, but because there was no storming of the embassy. The real catastrophe is in the fabrication of an event by the armed forces in order to create their own version of Pearl Harbor, or 9/11.
The reason for this is only so that the SCAF can tighten its slipping grip over Egypt’s politics. The plan is to bring back the practices of arbitrary arrests and subjugation without an onslaught from the media or public opinion. This time, the laws target the revolutionary youth instead of the Muslim Brotherhood. The inaccurate presentation of the embassy events as an attack that could lead to an international crisis helps instill fear in the heart of Egyptians who do not want chaos in their country.
One of the least talked about issues when it comes to the events of September 9 is how the so-called storming of the embassy flat happened. The media portrays it as some uncontrollable attack by a mob where security forces lost control. The truth couldn’t be farther. The tearing down of the wall, was a celebration that met no resistance from the myriad of security personnel present there. The protesters did not greatly outnumber the number of soldiers with perhaps over 40 trucks in the vicinity of the embassy. This means that the most conservative estimate places 2000 soldiers charged with the protection of embassies in that area.
After the demolition came celebrations. The next part of the show was allowing Ahmed El Shahat wannabes to scale the building to take down the Israeli flag. Not just one person, but 4 of them attempted to scale the building, the most successful of which managed to make it to the fifth floor. At this point they were all summoned in, possibly with assurances from the army that they will not be arrested and will be allowed to continue. This all took place in the Israeli embassy building mind you, not the one next to it which Ahmed El Shahat scaled. It is important to point out that all those who made it through were almost handpicked, and the army did not allow anyone to go through.
What followed was incomprehensible.  They remained for inside the building for about 20-30 minutes inside the building before re-emerging once more on balconies on various floors. The climbers waved from the balconies and crowd cheered in euphoria from below. It was very odd to see that amount of people let inside the building despite heavy security presence below. Every once in a while, it seemed that yet another floor and another apartment was invaded. Around 15 of them ended up on the roof of the next door building and around 10 of the others were seen 2 floors beneath the Israeli flag in yet another balcony. One has to wonder how all these apartments were invaded and why. Below, no more protesters were allowed in.
On another front, clashes broke out between CSF and protesters. That was near the Saudi embassy, and possibly another way of accessing the Israeli embassy building. Rock throwing and fending off attacks, that was the deal at the back, but not at the main entrance, not where the show was at.
When the flag was taken down, everyone cheered and thought it was over. Those that comfortably traversed the entire building would not stop. They did not think their mission was over. That was the most perplexing part, how were they so comfortable staying there? Why did they not leave after the flag had been taken down? There was one more part of the show to be performed.  Later I heard news of documents flying out from that balcony two floors below where the flag was once raised. They were meaningless documents with Arabic and Hebrew script. There were bills, contracts, invoices; all trifles.
The news spread that the embassy had been breached. This created responses of what a catastrophe it was. The internet world and the media was filled with condemnation of the incident. Then came other sources which said the embassy had not been breached; but the damage had been done. The idea that the embassy had been stormed had spread, and even now, that is the term is being used.
This was a controlled fire of the army’s making. Even the video shows the orchestration. Whether those scaling the building were army privates or used protesters I do not know, but it does not matter much anyway. There is sufficient proof, according to presidential candidate Ayman Noor that one of the instigators of attacks at the Ministry of Interior was a thug usually hired by the MOI themselves and who has burnt down the Al Ghad party premises before. The protesters fended off the attack against the  MOI eventually probably counter to the MOI plan. I would imagine that some of the faces allowed inside the Israeli embassy building will include familiar thugs or perhaps soldiers.
The violence erupted later when a police car ran protesters over, again. This was the real battle, and strangely enough, the police forces managed to fend it off. The idea was to create a scene where chaos prevails, and in time no one will remember what happened first, the violence or the so called breaching of the Israeli embassy. All this was combined with directed media to portray an event that did not take place. I would not be surprised if the Israeli government was well aware of this plan. Their response alludes to that much anyway.
There was no storming of the embassy, there was a storming of Egypt by a group of militant mobsters who aim to keep its riches under their control. There is a plan to keep the people subdued and quell the revolution. Egypt did not breach any of its international agreements, and this protects the army. The papers seem prepared to be dispersed. Yes there was a desire to storm the embassy, and yes there was a desire to expel the ambassador, but there was never a way. The protesters that night couldn’t have taken on the arm but the army were peaceful and welcoming. All this was a play, and only the most ardent of fools in denial will see it as something else.
There was no storm. Mubarakism is still alive.

Saturday, September 10, 2011

The Israeli Embassy: Under Friendly Fire?

I will raise my suspicions for now without providing any analysis. I would have most definitely joined the ranks of those celebrating this victory had I thought it was real. I don’t care about the diplomatic ‘incident’, our borders have been breached and our soldiers have been killed. I don’t care about how uncivilized it may seem, our military and police are murderers, torturers and traitors to their people. This is a revolution and our rulers do not represent us. I will not condemn protesters for taking over Maspero, or even the parliament.
A few hundred protesters started tearing down the wall protecting the Israeli embassy. Does it not rouse any suspicion that they were allowed to do so?  The silence of the military in the face of this demolition is uncharacteristic of them.
When I arrived in front of the Israeli embassy, all the walls had been demolished. Beneath us, scores upon scores of military and CSF personnel. A while later, a few ‘protesters’ were seen scaling the building. Only one of them managed to scale 5 floors on his own, the rest went into the building and came out every once in a while on another floor’s balcony. Finally, they were let in the building on the fifth floor. This was the Israeli embassy building, not the neighboring one.
The really suspicious part is that they were in the building for more than 20 minutes before re-emerging again at various locations. Around ten or more were on the roof of the neighboring building and less than 10 were two floors below the Israeli embassy’s penthouse.
What were they doing all this time before re-emerging? How come they had access to most apartments in the building? Who were they?
With some difficulty the climbers returned to the yellow lit flat they’ve taken over below the embassy. Later, I heard news of paper being tossed out.
More questions. Why were those papers being tossed out? Why wasn’t the embassy itself really stormed? Will we ever see those guys who stormed the embassy again?
In one of the interviews, one of the stormers said that he delivered everything to the army, his command. This seems suspicious and raises another question. Why were the military personnel very peaceful with those  protesters but violent with the others just next to the Saudi embassy? Were other protesters trying to storm the embassy building from the other direction?
The most vicious fighting took place after the deed had been done. Could it be that after the desired had been done, the police decided not to risk escalations?
Some foreigners have been targeted. Every time a foreigner is targeted, it spells the old State Security. Does it not seem very characteristic of the regime to blame protesters for what they themselves have been doing? Remember the prisoners that were let go? Remember the police stations that were burnt simultaneously?
I have this strong suspicion that we did not storm the Israeli embassy. This was friendly fire. My suspicion is that this incident is the SCAF’s own Pearl Harbor or 9/11. My hope is that Egyptians don’t fall for it.

Wednesday, September 07, 2011

Calling in the Dark


Let's call it how it is. The regime has not changed. The idea that the revolution is successful is the biggest adversary to the reality that the revolution is ongoing. The reason I say this is not out of optimism, for that is a quality that I do not truly possess. I say it because we haven’t been beaten yet. As long as there is a will to fight in some of the people who made what we’ve achieved so far possible, then then the revolution is ongoing.
I personally will not accept the status quo. I will not accept slavery. This is what the regime is all about. I do not accept it for myself, and I don’t accept it for others, even if they do. Those advocating slavery cannot free themselves, but rather, need to be set free.  I am no savior, nobody is; but if enough people insist on their freedom, the others will be set free.
I have been set free; set free of my illusions. I am no longer under the impression that a leader in a uniform can save us. I know fully well that salvation comes from within. I have been granted that which many others have not. I have had the opportunity to see other places, to have a good education and to understand intellectual freedom. Don’t ask me to give that up. I won’t anyway.
I am a liberator. Not of everyone, but of myself. I feel liberated when I speak the truth. I feel liberated when I stand for justice. I feel liberated when my actions don’t fall short of the values I believe in.
Today, the SCAF is implementing true Mubarakism at its finest. It’s all of the oppression and misinformation. Today, however, I have become immune to it. I no longer tolerate the injustice of an oppressive regime. I may not have the power to do much about it today, but when I’m given the opportunity I will not be a coward.
I am not a brave person, nor have I ever been idealistic. But I was always capable of putting myself in another’s shoes. This is my blessing and my curse. I have imagined myself, beaten and broken. I have imagined myself unjustly locked up in military prison. I have imagined myself tortured and calling out for help. In my imagination, there has been no comfort but that of a voice calling out from outside the walls, ‘you are not forgotten’. That voice has been a comfort. I cannot help the torture or injustice, they cannot be altered instantly. I need only know that someone out there still remembers me; that I am not nobody. I am someone who exists and does not deserve this injustice.
In my waking hours, I am that voice that calls out ‘you are not forgotten’.  I don’t know who you are, and I don’t know why you’ve had to spend these rough torturous nights, but I am calling out. I know that they can’t hear me, but I’m calling out anyway. I am calling out because in their darkest hour, they must be imagining somebody out there who has not forgotten about them.
I have long resented the SCAF for their pride and their arrogance. They think that they have the right to control millions of people just because of a bank account. Their military trials are as unjust as the emergency law. Their deeds are as dark as their predecessor.  I feel liberated when I call them out on their evil deeds. I may be just a feeble voice calling out in the dark, but I call out because I need to, not because others need me to. I call out because it matters what a person thinks. I call out because I’m free.

Sunday, September 04, 2011

The Mubarak Trial: A Theatrical Review

The Mubarak trial, while significant politically must be analyzed by an art critic rather than a political analyst. The spectacle viewed by millions deserves a better review with all the show that’s been put in place for the people. The true nature of the Mubarak trial is that of a stage play and must be evaluated on its theatrical rather than political merits.

Let’s start with the writing. This play has been granted a large amount time for writing. The writing conditions may have been stressful; the protests in May could have attached a sense of urgency, and the 8 July sit-in may have expedited the execution. Yet, this script has been in the kitchen for quite some time so there can be no excuse for the quality of work produced.

The results have not been catastrophic. The script may not be air tight, but was adequate for all intended purposes. The true challenge came with the execution which I dare say, fell below the mark.
That’s not to say that some of the elements of the performance weren’t well executed. The set design, for example, was impeccable. The hall looked like a real court room and the cage within was built with great attention given to the tiniest details such as the spacing between the wires. The costume design was one of the elements to be marveled at. The white track suits were well designed and a perfect fit (at least in one of the episodes). Audio was clear and the picture contained much realism.

Choreography was believable and not forced. Various actors danced their part. However, as any choreographer would tell you, the moves are only half of it, the other half is the dancers themselves. Unfortunately, the dancers were a true disaster.  

Besides a few other minor glitches, acting was the real failing in the whole production. Setting aside the fact that the accused was brought in on a stretcher instead of a wheel chair, the deposed president had too much vigor for someone rumored to be in and out of comas all the time. His strong voice gave way, as if he were reluctantly playing the part. He also fidgeted around in his bed too much for someone being brought in on a stretcher. His movements were numerous, impatient and showed signed of strength that should have been absent. He acted more like a healthy child confined to his bed by protective parents, aching to be released from the clutches of his bed and to go outside and play with his friends.

The ex-president’s sons didn’t do a fine job either. Their faces were healthy and smug and their entire appearance was unconvincing. To make matters worse, Alaa, in a moment of improvisation, broke out of character and revealed his true identity by ordering a camera to stop filming with much authority.

Supporting actors did not help either. The execution was not convincing enough. Characters forgot their roles and saluted the prisoners in a gesture that completely betrayed the authenticity of the entire play. On the one hand, one might defend them by claiming they are not professional actors, but on the other hand, it should not be much of an effort for them considering that this is their real job and the role should be executed with ease.

That’s not to say the play was not an overall success, it was and it was viewed by tens of millions who at the very least appreciated the effort and thought put into this production. It is only that these little glitches that deter a viewer from fully being immersed in the drama and makes the whole story less believable. Here are a few things that would have made the production better.

Had the SCAF not been a dictatorship meddling with the judiciary system, the likelihood of believing this was a real trial would have increased greatly. This is compounded with their reluctance to try Mubarak for a very long time and the constant rumors about his ailing health that was once one of the country’s taboos. Had Mubarak been brought in on a wheel chair rather than a stretcher and had he acted the part, the play would have been more believable.

However the gravest of all flaws lies in the script itself which is devoid of any mystery. The way the case has been built, with evidence stacked very poorly against the deposed president gives away the ending. There has been no effort to stack the evidence in a believable manner to create any form of suspense as to how the play will end. The laws of the country have been set up by the perpetrators themselves to give them protection at any time. The SCAF’s refusal to alter any of these laws undermines the entire show. If there is no conviction, the play will extend as long as the crowd is willing to endure.